Features
NMSJ Proposals for New Constitution – Part II
Constitutional Miscellany
By Dr. Jayampathy Wickramaratne
President’ Counsel
(Continued from Monday (13)
The National Movement for Social Justice (NMSJ) has proposed that Sri Lanka reverts to a parliamentary form of government. The NMSJ’s founder, Ven. Maduluwawe Sobitha Thera, who was a strong opponent of the Executive Presidency, frequently referred to the warnings of Madam Sirimavo Bandaranaike, Dr N. M. Perera and Dr Colvin R. De Silva against adopting a Presidential form of government.
Madam Bandaranaike said, in 1978: “The effect of this amendment is to place the President above the National State Assembly. Above the law and above the courts, thereby creating a concentration of State power in one person, whoever he might be. This has happened in other countries before, and history is full of examples of the disastrous consequences that came upon such nations that changed their Constitutions by giving one man too much power. We oppose this Bill firmly and unequivocally. It will set our country on the road to dictatorship, and there will be no turning back. This Bill will mark the end of democracy in Sri Lanka, as the late Dudley Senanayake realised when these same ideas were put to him in the United National Party.”
Dr De Silva had said: “There is undoubtedly one virtue in this system of Parliament (…) and that is that the chief executive of the day is answerable directly to the representatives of the people continuously by reason of the fact that the Prime Minister can remain Prime Minister only so long as he can command the confidence of that assembly. We do not want either Presidents or Prime Ministers who can ride roughshod over the people and, therefore, first of all, over the people’s representatives. There is no virtue in having a strong man against the people.”
The results of the Executive Presidency are all there to see. A President elected by a massive majority, supported by a two-thirds majority in Parliament, and strengthened by the 20th Amendment to the Constitution, has miserably failed and has given the lie to J. R. Jayewardene’s famous claim that “We need an executive freed from the whims and fancies of the legislators.” Collegial decision-making has again been proved to be better than decisions taken unilaterally in the Presidential Secretariat.
The Executive
The NMSJ has proposed that the President be elected by an electoral college, comprising, Members of Parliament and members of the Second Chamber. The electoral college shall also elect a Vice-President who shall be from a community other than the community to which the President belongs.
The President shall only be the formal Head of the Executive. Except where expressly provided by the Constitution, the President shall exercise powers on the advice of the Cabinet of Ministers conveyed to him by the Prime Minister. The Cabinet of Ministers shall be charged with the direction and control of the Government of the Republic. The Cabinet of Ministers shall be collectively responsible and answerable to Parliament.
The President shall appoint, as Prime Minister, the Member of Parliament, who, in the President’s opinion, is most likely to command the confidence of Parliament. However, the President shall not have the power to remove the Prime Minister.
The Prime Minister, appointed after a General Election, shall be deemed to have resigned if a vote of confidence in him is not passed at the first sitting of the new Parliament. A Prime Minister appointed after the first sitting of a Parliament shall be deemed to have resigned if a vote of confidence in him is not passed by Parliament within seven days of his appointment. The Prime Minister shall also be deemed to have resigned if a motion of no-confidence in the Government is passed, the Budget is defeated in Parliament or the Statement of Government Policy is defeated in Parliament.
Secretaries of Ministries and Heads of Departments shall be appointed by the National Public Service Commission in consultation with the relevant Minister.
Constitutional Council
Ven. Sobitha Thera strongly supported the Constitutional Council process and independent Commissions. The NMSJ has proposed that the Constitutional Council, abolished by the 20th Amendment, be re-established with powers not less than under the 19th Amendment. Apart from the Prime Minister, the Speaker and the Leader of the Opposition, the members of the Constitutional Council shall not be Members of Parliament.
The Right to Information Commission shall be added to the list of Commissions to which appointments could be made only on the recommendation of the Constitutional Council. The National Audit Commission and the National Procurement Commission, abolished by the 20th Amendment, shall be re-established. An agency to assist and advise state sector institutions in the matter of procurement shall be established by law. There is no need for a permanent Delimitation Commission. However, any commission, committee or person tasked with delimitation in relation to Parliamentary, Provincial or local authority elections shall be appointed on the recommendation of the Constitutional Council.
Members of any regulatory authority, established in relation to the electronic or other media, data protection, cyber security, public utilities, monetary and financial services, competition in trade and foreign trade, shall be appointed on the recommendations of the Constitutional Council.
The Governor of the Central Bank shall be added to the list of officials whose appointment must be approved by the Constitutional Council.
Devolution
Devolution introduced by the 13th Amendment has come to stay, and even the present Government, that came to power on a nationalist platform, is extremely unlikely to abolish Provincial Councils. If that be the reality, it is best that Provincial Councils be suitably empowered. Devolution must not be viewed only as a solution to Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict but also as an instrument to develop the periphery. Sadly, successive governments have used every conceivable provision, literally speaking, every comma, or full stop, in the Constitution, to frustrate devolution.
The NMSJ has, accordingly, proposed that there be the maximum possible devolution, based on the principle of subsidiarity; that is, whatever could be more efficiently handled by the lowest tier should be vested in such tier. Local government shall be recognised as a tier of government. The allocation of subjects and functions between the three tiers of government shall be guided by the principle of subsidiarity. Such allocation shall be clear and unambiguous and shall not be overridden or encroached on, except by constitutional amendment.
The Province shall be the primary unit of devolution. The term of a Provincial Council shall be five years. Elections to all Provincial Councils shall be held on the same day. Appropriate constitutional provisions shall be made to ensure that elections are held regularly for all Provincial Councils, as in the case of Parliamentary elections.
If a Provincial Council passes a motion of no-confidence in the provincial administration, or the Budget, or the Statement of Policy, is defeated in the Provincial Council and a new administration formed does not win a vote of confidence within 14 days, the Provincial Council shall be dissolved, and the Governor shall be in charge of the Provincial administration until an election is held for the constitution of the Council along with elections for the other Provincial Councils.
Parliamentary legislation on matters in the Provincial Council List shall not have the effect of the Centre taking over the administration of such matters. In formulating national policy on matters contained in the Provincial Council List, the Central Government shall adopt a participatory process with the Provincial Councils. The Constitution shall provide the circumstances in which the Centre may prescribe national policy.
National policy, declared by the Central Executive, shall not override statutes enacted by a Provincial Council in respect of matters in the Provincial List. However, if central legislation is enacted to give effect to such national policy in accordance with the constitutional provisions relating to the enactment of legislation on devolved subjects, the relevant Provincial statutes shall be read subject to such national legislation. The approval of the Second Chamber would be necessary for such legislation. The formulation of national policy on a Provincial List matter would not have the effect of the Centre taking over executive or administrative powers with regard to the implementation of the said devolved power; the Provinces will retain executive or administrative powers in relation to the said devolved power.
Parliament may, by law, provide for the implementation of functions on selected subjects in the Reserved List by the Provinces. Parliament or Provincial Councils may by law/statute provide for the implementation of specified functions within their purview to be carried out by local authorities.
Regarding the Provincial Executive, the NMSJ proposes that the Governor of a Province should not have been politically active during the period of three years, immediately prior to appointment, and shall not be involved in politics during the period of office.
The Chief Secretary of a Province shall be appointed by the National Public Service Commission with the concurrence of the Chief Minister. Secretaries of Provincial Ministries and Heads of Departments shall be appointed by the Provincial Public Service Commission in consultation with the relevant Provincial Minister.
The appointment, promotion, transfer, dismissal, and disciplinary control of officers of the Provincial Public Service shall be by an independent Provincial Public Service Commission (PPSC) constituted for each Province. The members of the PPSC shall be appointed by the Governor on the joint nomination of the Chief Minister and the Leader of the Opposition of the Provincial Council concerned. Where there is no agreement between the Chief Minister and the Leader of the Opposition, the Constitutional Council shall make the nominations after consulting the Chief Minister and the Leader of the Opposition.
There shall be a Chief Ministers’ Conference, comprising the Prime Minister and the Chief Ministers of all the Provinces, which shall meet at regular intervals to discuss issues of common concern and to promote inter-provincial and Centre-Province co-operation. The Prime Minister shall preside at the Chief Minister’s Conference.
Community Councils:
Constitutional provisions shall be made to ensure that at various levels of government and in different geographical areas, the rights of communities that are minorities within such areas are protected.
(To be continued.)
Features
The heart-friendly health minister
by Dr Gotabhya Ranasinghe
Senior Consultant Cardiologist
National Hospital Sri Lanka
When we sought a meeting with Hon Dr. Ramesh Pathirana, Minister of Health, he graciously cleared his busy schedule to accommodate us. Renowned for his attentive listening and deep understanding, Minister Pathirana is dedicated to advancing the health sector. His openness and transparency exemplify the qualities of an exemplary politician and minister.
Dr. Palitha Mahipala, the current Health Secretary, demonstrates both commendable enthusiasm and unwavering support. This combination of attributes makes him a highly compatible colleague for the esteemed Minister of Health.
Our discussion centered on a project that has been in the works for the past 30 years, one that no other minister had managed to advance.
Minister Pathirana, however, recognized the project’s significance and its potential to revolutionize care for heart patients.
The project involves the construction of a state-of-the-art facility at the premises of the National Hospital Colombo. The project’s location within the premises of the National Hospital underscores its importance and relevance to the healthcare infrastructure of the nation.
This facility will include a cardiology building and a tertiary care center, equipped with the latest technology to handle and treat all types of heart-related conditions and surgeries.
Securing funding was a major milestone for this initiative. Minister Pathirana successfully obtained approval for a $40 billion loan from the Asian Development Bank. With the funding in place, the foundation stone is scheduled to be laid in September this year, and construction will begin in January 2025.
This project guarantees a consistent and uninterrupted supply of stents and related medications for heart patients. As a result, patients will have timely access to essential medical supplies during their treatment and recovery. By securing these critical resources, the project aims to enhance patient outcomes, minimize treatment delays, and maintain the highest standards of cardiac care.
Upon its fruition, this monumental building will serve as a beacon of hope and healing, symbolizing the unwavering dedication to improving patient outcomes and fostering a healthier society.We anticipate a future marked by significant progress and positive outcomes in Sri Lanka’s cardiovascular treatment landscape within the foreseeable timeframe.
Features
A LOVING TRIBUTE TO JESUIT FR. ALOYSIUS PIERIS ON HIS 90th BIRTHDAY
by Fr. Emmanuel Fernando, OMI
Jesuit Fr. Aloysius Pieris (affectionately called Fr. Aloy) celebrated his 90th birthday on April 9, 2024 and I, as the editor of our Oblate Journal, THE MISSIONARY OBLATE had gone to press by that time. Immediately I decided to publish an article, appreciating the untiring selfless services he continues to offer for inter-Faith dialogue, the renewal of the Catholic Church, his concern for the poor and the suffering Sri Lankan masses and to me, the present writer.
It was in 1988, when I was appointed Director of the Oblate Scholastics at Ampitiya by the then Oblate Provincial Fr. Anselm Silva, that I came to know Fr. Aloy more closely. Knowing well his expertise in matters spiritual, theological, Indological and pastoral, and with the collaborative spirit of my companion-formators, our Oblate Scholastics were sent to Tulana, the Research and Encounter Centre, Kelaniya, of which he is the Founder-Director, for ‘exposure-programmes’ on matters spiritual, biblical, theological and pastoral. Some of these dimensions according to my view and that of my companion-formators, were not available at the National Seminary, Ampitiya.
Ever since that time, our Oblate formators/ accompaniers at the Oblate Scholasticate, Ampitiya , have continued to send our Oblate Scholastics to Tulana Centre for deepening their insights and convictions regarding matters needed to serve the people in today’s context. Fr. Aloy also had tried very enthusiastically with the Oblate team headed by Frs. Oswald Firth and Clement Waidyasekara to begin a Theologate, directed by the Religious Congregations in Sri Lanka, for the contextual formation/ accompaniment of their members. It should very well be a desired goal of the Leaders / Provincials of the Religious Congregations.
Besides being a formator/accompanier at the Oblate Scholasticate, I was entrusted also with the task of editing and publishing our Oblate journal, ‘The Missionary Oblate’. To maintain the quality of the journal I continue to depend on Fr. Aloy for his thought-provoking and stimulating articles on Biblical Spirituality, Biblical Theology and Ecclesiology. I am very grateful to him for his generous assistance. Of late, his writings on renewal of the Church, initiated by Pope St. John XX111 and continued by Pope Francis through the Synodal path, published in our Oblate journal, enable our readers to focus their attention also on the needed renewal in the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka. Fr. Aloy appreciated very much the Synodal path adopted by the Jesuit Pope Francis for the renewal of the Church, rooted very much on prayerful discernment. In my Religious and presbyteral life, Fr.Aloy continues to be my spiritual animator / guide and ongoing formator / acccompanier.
Fr. Aloysius Pieris, BA Hons (Lond), LPh (SHC, India), STL (PFT, Naples), PhD (SLU/VC), ThD (Tilburg), D.Ltt (KU), has been one of the eminent Asian theologians well recognized internationally and one who has lectured and held visiting chairs in many universities both in the West and in the East. Many members of Religious Congregations from Asian countries have benefited from his lectures and guidance in the East Asian Pastoral Institute (EAPI) in Manila, Philippines. He had been a Theologian consulted by the Federation of Asian Bishops’ Conferences for many years. During his professorship at the Gregorian University in Rome, he was called to be a member of a special group of advisers on other religions consulted by Pope Paul VI.
Fr. Aloy is the author of more than 30 books and well over 500 Research Papers. Some of his books and articles have been translated and published in several countries. Among those books, one can find the following: 1) The Genesis of an Asian Theology of Liberation (An Autobiographical Excursus on the Art of Theologising in Asia, 2) An Asian Theology of Liberation, 3) Providential Timeliness of Vatican 11 (a long-overdue halt to a scandalous millennium, 4) Give Vatican 11 a chance, 5) Leadership in the Church, 6) Relishing our faith in working for justice (Themes for study and discussion), 7) A Message meant mainly, not exclusively for Jesuits (Background information necessary for helping Francis renew the Church), 8) Lent in Lanka (Reflections and Resolutions, 9) Love meets wisdom (A Christian Experience of Buddhism, 10) Fire and Water 11) God’s Reign for God’s poor, 12) Our Unhiddden Agenda (How we Jesuits work, pray and form our men). He is also the Editor of two journals, Vagdevi, Journal of Religious Reflection and Dialogue, New Series.
Fr. Aloy has a BA in Pali and Sanskrit from the University of London and a Ph.D in Buddhist Philosophy from the University of Sri Lankan, Vidyodaya Campus. On Nov. 23, 2019, he was awarded the prestigious honorary Doctorate of Literature (D.Litt) by the Chancellor of the University of Kelaniya, the Most Venerable Welamitiyawe Dharmakirthi Sri Kusala Dhamma Thera.
Fr. Aloy continues to be a promoter of Gospel values and virtues. Justice as a constitutive dimension of love and social concern for the downtrodden masses are very much noted in his life and work. He had very much appreciated the commitment of the late Fr. Joseph (Joe) Fernando, the National Director of the Social and Economic Centre (SEDEC) for the poor.
In Sri Lanka, a few religious Congregations – the Good Shepherd Sisters, the Christian Brothers, the Marist Brothers and the Oblates – have invited him to animate their members especially during their Provincial Congresses, Chapters and International Conferences. The mainline Christian Churches also have sought his advice and followed his seminars. I, for one, regret very much, that the Sri Lankan authorities of the Catholic Church –today’s Hierarchy—- have not sought Fr.
Aloy’s expertise for the renewal of the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka and thus have not benefited from the immense store of wisdom and insight that he can offer to our local Church while the Sri Lankan bishops who governed the Catholic church in the immediate aftermath of the Second Vatican Council (Edmund Fernando OMI, Anthony de Saram, Leo Nanayakkara OSB, Frank Marcus Fernando, Paul Perera,) visited him and consulted him on many matters. Among the Tamil Bishops, Bishop Rayappu Joseph was keeping close contact with him and Bishop J. Deogupillai hosted him and his team visiting him after the horrible Black July massacre of Tamils.
Features
A fairy tale, success or debacle
Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement
By Gomi Senadhira
senadhiragomi@gmail.com
“You might tell fairy tales, but the progress of a country cannot be achieved through such narratives. A country cannot be developed by making false promises. The country moved backward because of the electoral promises made by political parties throughout time. We have witnessed that the ultimate result of this is the country becoming bankrupt. Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet.” – President Ranil Wickremesinghe, 2024 Budget speech
Any Sri Lankan would agree with the above words of President Wickremesinghe on the false promises our politicians and officials make and the fairy tales they narrate which bankrupted this country. So, to understand this, let’s look at one such fairy tale with lots of false promises; Ranil Wickremesinghe’s greatest achievement in the area of international trade and investment promotion during the Yahapalana period, Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement (SLSFTA).
It is appropriate and timely to do it now as Finance Minister Wickremesinghe has just presented to parliament a bill on the National Policy on Economic Transformation which includes the establishment of an Office for International Trade and the Sri Lanka Institute of Economics and International Trade.
Was SLSFTA a “Cleverly negotiated Free Trade Agreement” as stated by the (former) Minister of Development Strategies and International Trade Malik Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate on the SLSFTA in July 2018, or a colossal blunder covered up with lies, false promises, and fairy tales? After SLSFTA was signed there were a number of fairy tales published on this agreement by the Ministry of Development Strategies and International, Institute of Policy Studies, and others.
However, for this article, I would like to limit my comments to the speech by Minister Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate, and the two most important areas in the agreement which were covered up with lies, fairy tales, and false promises, namely: revenue loss for Sri Lanka and Investment from Singapore. On the other important area, “Waste products dumping” I do not want to comment here as I have written extensively on the issue.
1. The revenue loss
During the Parliamentary Debate in July 2018, Minister Samarawickrama stated “…. let me reiterate that this FTA with Singapore has been very cleverly negotiated by us…. The liberalisation programme under this FTA has been carefully designed to have the least impact on domestic industry and revenue collection. We have included all revenue sensitive items in the negative list of items which will not be subject to removal of tariff. Therefore, 97.8% revenue from Customs duty is protected. Our tariff liberalisation will take place over a period of 12-15 years! In fact, the revenue earned through tariffs on goods imported from Singapore last year was Rs. 35 billion.
The revenue loss for over the next 15 years due to the FTA is only Rs. 733 million– which when annualised, on average, is just Rs. 51 million. That is just 0.14% per year! So anyone who claims the Singapore FTA causes revenue loss to the Government cannot do basic arithmetic! Mr. Speaker, in conclusion, I call on my fellow members of this House – don’t mislead the public with baseless criticism that is not grounded in facts. Don’t look at petty politics and use these issues for your own political survival.”
I was surprised to read the minister’s speech because an article published in January 2018 in “The Straits Times“, based on information released by the Singaporean Negotiators stated, “…. With the FTA, tariff savings for Singapore exports are estimated to hit $10 million annually“.
As the annual tariff savings (that is the revenue loss for Sri Lanka) calculated by the Singaporean Negotiators, Singaporean $ 10 million (Sri Lankan rupees 1,200 million in 2018) was way above the rupees’ 733 million revenue loss for 15 years estimated by the Sri Lankan negotiators, it was clear to any observer that one of the parties to the agreement had not done the basic arithmetic!
Six years later, according to a report published by “The Morning” newspaper, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) on 7th May 2024, Mr Samarawickrama’s chief trade negotiator K.J. Weerasinghehad had admitted “…. that forecasted revenue loss for the Government of Sri Lanka through the Singapore FTA is Rs. 450 million in 2023 and Rs. 1.3 billion in 2024.”
If these numbers are correct, as tariff liberalisation under the SLSFTA has just started, we will pass Rs 2 billion very soon. Then, the question is how Sri Lanka’s trade negotiators made such a colossal blunder. Didn’t they do their basic arithmetic? If they didn’t know how to do basic arithmetic they should have at least done their basic readings. For example, the headline of the article published in The Straits Times in January 2018 was “Singapore, Sri Lanka sign FTA, annual savings of $10m expected”.
Anyway, as Sri Lanka’s chief negotiator reiterated at the COPF meeting that “…. since 99% of the tariffs in Singapore have zero rates of duty, Sri Lanka has agreed on 80% tariff liberalisation over a period of 15 years while expecting Singapore investments to address the imbalance in trade,” let’s turn towards investment.
Investment from Singapore
In July 2018, speaking during the Parliamentary Debate on the FTA this is what Minister Malik Samarawickrama stated on investment from Singapore, “Already, thanks to this FTA, in just the past two-and-a-half months since the agreement came into effect we have received a proposal from Singapore for investment amounting to $ 14.8 billion in an oil refinery for export of petroleum products. In addition, we have proposals for a steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million), sugar refinery ($ 200 million). This adds up to more than $ 16.05 billion in the pipeline on these projects alone.
And all of these projects will create thousands of more jobs for our people. In principle approval has already been granted by the BOI and the investors are awaiting the release of land the environmental approvals to commence the project.
I request the Opposition and those with vested interests to change their narrow-minded thinking and join us to develop our country. We must always look at what is best for the whole community, not just the few who may oppose. We owe it to our people to courageously take decisions that will change their lives for the better.”
According to the media report I quoted earlier, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) Chief Negotiator Weerasinghe has admitted that Sri Lanka was not happy with overall Singapore investments that have come in the past few years in return for the trade liberalisation under the Singapore-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement. He has added that between 2021 and 2023 the total investment from Singapore had been around $162 million!
What happened to those projects worth $16 billion negotiated, thanks to the SLSFTA, in just the two-and-a-half months after the agreement came into effect and approved by the BOI? I do not know about the steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million) and sugar refinery ($ 200 million).
However, story of the multibillion-dollar investment in the Petroleum Refinery unfolded in a manner that would qualify it as the best fairy tale with false promises presented by our politicians and the officials, prior to 2019 elections.
Though many Sri Lankans got to know, through the media which repeatedly highlighted a plethora of issues surrounding the project and the questionable credentials of the Singaporean investor, the construction work on the Mirrijiwela Oil Refinery along with the cement factory began on the24th of March 2019 with a bang and Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and his ministers along with the foreign and local dignitaries laid the foundation stones.
That was few months before the 2019 Presidential elections. Inaugurating the construction work Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe said the projects will create thousands of job opportunities in the area and surrounding districts.
The oil refinery, which was to be built over 200 acres of land, with the capacity to refine 200,000 barrels of crude oil per day, was to generate US$7 billion of exports and create 1,500 direct and 3,000 indirect jobs. The construction of the refinery was to be completed in 44 months. Four years later, in August 2023 the Cabinet of Ministers approved the proposal presented by President Ranil Wickremesinghe to cancel the agreement with the investors of the refinery as the project has not been implemented! Can they explain to the country how much money was wasted to produce that fairy tale?
It is obvious that the President, ministers, and officials had made huge blunders and had deliberately misled the public and the parliament on the revenue loss and potential investment from SLSFTA with fairy tales and false promises.
As the president himself said, a country cannot be developed by making false promises or with fairy tales and these false promises and fairy tales had bankrupted the country. “Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet”.
(The writer, a specialist and an activist on trade and development issues . )


