Opinion
The Buddha on politics and governance
by Dr. Justice Chandradasa Nanayakkara
Buddha Dhamma does not seek to propagate any political ideology. Its primary purpose is the liberation of individuals from pervasive suffering, as enunciated in the Four Noble Truths. The Buddha saw all beings in the universe being born, living, dying and being reborn over and over again without end, all trapped in a web spun by their past actions kamma. The fundamentals of the Buddha’s teachings, based on purity, morality and faith, can be summed up by the following stanza, “Sabbapapassa akaranam, kusalassa upsammpada, sacittapariyodapanam, etam Buddhana sasanam” which means avoidance of evil, cultivation of good and purifying of one’s mind. The Buddha has preached that man’s desire is insatiable and his excessive craving is the cause of all dukkha.
In the realm of political practice, since the time of Buddha, his teachings have both influenced governments and been identified by governments as a source of their authority and legitimacy. Buddhist monarchs have ruled many Asian and Southeastern countries at various times over the past two thousand years and even today many nations in Asia believe that their governments have a duty to rule in conformity with Dhamma (truth) and its ethical values. Buddhism has remained the leading religious force and continued to exert a strong influence on political, economic, and social life in many parts of Asia, including Sri Lanka, because it is closely associated with cultural norms of these nations it cannot be isolated from politics.
Although the primary purpose of Buddha’s teachings is the liberation of individuals from pervasive suffering, his they acknowledge the interdependence of the individual with society, polity, and economy. The Buddha saw politics not as an end in itself but as an instrument by means of which favourable conditions could be created for the amelioration of the people’s suffering. He recognized that some form of government was necessary to provide social order and welfare and that it values, content and processes should be consistent with Dhamma (truth). Dhamma is the fundamental concept that should underlie any Buddhist approach to economic, social and political development. It is only when economic and social system is grounded in sound ethical principles that it conduces to real human welfare. Therefore, the Buddha saw a political system, organised and consistent with these truths, could minimise the manifest form of suffering and destitution, human beings are subject to. Basically, it seeks to approach the problems of society by reforming individuals constituting that society in conformity with Dhamma and by suggesting some general principles through which equitable sharing of resources.
Bikku Bodhi has stated that the Buddha was “a compassionate and pragmatic teacher who was intent on promoting a social order in which people can live together, peacefully, in accordance with ethical guidelines. In Buddhist philosophy and practice “each person rises above the demands of narrow self-interest and develops a sincere, large hearted concern for the welfare of others and the greater good of the whole”. While the Buddha principally aimed at guiding people towards moral and spiritual progress, he was fully aware that their capacity for moral and spiritual development depends upon the material conditions of the society in which they live. He acutely realized that when people mired in poverty and oppressed hunger and want, they would find it hard to hold to a path of moral rectitude. Thus, he saw that the provision of economic justice is integral to social harmony and political stability.
Modern democracy is based on the principle that all human beings are essentially equal and that each of us has an equal right to life, liberty and happiness. Buddhism too recognises that human beings are entitled to dignity, and all members of the human family have an equal and inalienable right to liberty. Whether we are rich or poor educated or uneducated, belonging to one nation or another, to one region or another, adhering to this ideology or that, each of us is just a human being like everyone else. Not only do we all desire happiness and seek to avoid suffering, but each of us has an equal right to pursue these goals.
The Buddha was the first political philosopher who taught the basic requirements for true democracy and peaceful coexistence of humanity. He liberated Shudras (low caste) from slavery and treated and practised equality between genders and treated women on equal footing as men bestowing on them the right to be ordained, dispelling misogynous prejudice.
Monarchy, which was the dominant form of government in Buddha’s time, was also formed voluntarily and the people elected the most righteous and capable person, which implied a democratic concept. However, the Buddha stated that the monarch was regarded worthy not because of his divine right but due to his righteousness in deeds.
The Buddha was less concerned about the form of government than its consequences. He refrained from making any pronouncement on the relative merits of the political systems or the political ideologies that existed in his time. For him whether it is monarchy, aristocracy, democracy or any combination thereof irrelevant as long as it served the people, and led to their wellbeing and benevolence. The Buddha proffered advice to many kings. The Sangha was asked to go forth as ambassadors of the Dhamma, for the greater good of the greater whole.
The Buddha discoursed to a diverse community, and in doing so pulled-down social barriers. In a drastic departure from the cultural norm, he challenged the existing dominant social structure of his time. In his society, only those born into brahmin caste were eligible to become priests. He insisted on inclusion of outcast to priesthood and challenged the entrenched systems of privilege by asserting mere circumstances of birth do not make one Brahmin. It is one’s actions and conduct that determine whether one is Brahmin or not. According to Vasala Sutta” Not by birth is one an outcast, not by birth is one a Brahmin by deed one becomes an outcast, by deed one becomes a Brahman. (Ete kho vasala vutta, maya vo ye pakasita. Na jacca vasalo hoti, na jacca hoti, brahmano, Kammana vasalohoti, kammana hoti brahmano).
Although the overriding goal of the Buddha’s teachings is the liberation of individuals from suffering, some references to the Suttas help us to gain an insight into the political power, authority and duties of a temporal ruler. The myth prevailing at the time of the Buddha was that kingship was of divine origin. But the Buddhist concept as given in Aggana Sutta (Digha Nikaya) is that kinship originated as a genuine political need of the society as opposed to Brahmin theory of divine origin.
According to this Sutta, at a certain juncture of evolution, logical need to show what Nature offered to arrest the diminishing of natural resources due to greed, to stop stealing and other vices, prompted a genuine social need for charismatic leader to arbitrate whenever such a situation arose. Hence the king was a figure chosen and approved by the People Mahasammata, a logical outcome of a social need. (Sita Arunthavanathan).
Definition of a king as given Agganna Sutta is one who makes others happy by righteousness dhammena param ranjeti ti raja). The king feels the weal and the woe of his subjects as his own (jatakamala).
The Buddha said that the moral character of a ruler determines the moral character of society. The importance of morality in politics is illustrated in Buddhist philosophical literature. In the Anguttara Nikaya, the Buddha stresses the importance of giving valuable moral lessons by means of a collection of fables and anecdotes (Jataka stories) through human and animal incarnations. In Khuddakanikaya jataka, the Buddha expounds the principles of an ideal ruler by setting out the obligations of a ruler in the form of (Dasa raja dhamma) as including personal integrity moral character a concern for the welfare of all beings, nonviolence and non-opposition to the will of people. In the C akkavatti sihananda sutta (Diga Nikaya) says moral character of ruler determines the moral character of society and decline in a ruler’s moral character results in society’s moral decline.
The Buddha preached non-violence and peace as a universal message. He did not approve of violence or the destruction of life. The Buddha declared “the victor breeds hatred, the defeated lives in misery. He who renounces both victory and defeat, is happy and peaceful.” He prevented the outbreak of war and diffused tension between Sakyas and Koliya who were about unleash war over the waters of Rohini. He also dissuaded King Ajasattu from attacking the Kingdom Vajjis.
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar the father of the Indian Constitution and pioneer of India’s democracy, believed Buddhism to be democratic religion, which led to his conversion. He declared, “Positively, my social philosophy, may be said to be enshrined in three words; Liberty, Equality and Fraternity. Let no one, however, say that I have borrowed my philosophy from the French Revolution. I have not. My philosophy has roots in religion and not in political science. I have derived them from the teachings of my master, the Buddha, in his philosophy, liberty, and equality had a place. He accorded highest place to fraternity as the only real safeguard against the denial of liberty or equality or fraternity, which was another name for brotherhood or humanity, which was again another name for religion because Buddhism is closely associated with cultural norms of these nations it cannot be isolated from politics.
The Buddha discussed the importance and the prerequisites for a good government. He showed how the country could become corrupt, degenerate and unhappy when the head of the government becomes corrupt and unjust. He spoke against corruption and how a government should act based on humanitarian principles.
The Buddha declared, “When the ruler of a country is just and good, the ministers become just and good; when the ministers are just and good, the higher officials become just and good; when the higher officials are just and good, the rank and file become just and good; when the rank and file become just and good, the people become just and good (Anguttara Nikaya).
The Chakravarty Sihananda Sutta, which gives us an insight into the Buddhist view of kingship and governance, especially how moral virtue is closely bound with socioeconomic conditions. Sutta talks about how social decline happens when a king does not rule virtuously. It says when the ruler or authorities fail to remove and prevent widespread poverty, or introduce reforms too late, the cumulative effect will be a general moral and social decline. It further states that crime such as theft, falsehood, violence, hatred, cruelty, could arise from poverty, and any attempt by Kings and governments to suppress crime through punishment or force, will prove futile.
A good ruler must possess a clear understanding of the law to be enforced. It should not be enforced just because the ruler has the authority to enforce the law. It must be done in a reasonable manner and with common sense.
In the Milinda Panha, it is stated: ‘If a man, who is unfit, incompetent, immoral, improper, unable and unworthy of kingship, has enthroned himself a king or a ruler with great authority, he is to be subject to a variety of punishment by the people, because, being unfit and unworthy, he has placed himself unrighteous in the seat of sovereignty. The ruler, like others who violate and transgress moral codes and basic rules of all social laws of mankind, is equally subject to punishment; and moreover, to be censured is the ruler who conducts himself as a robber of the public.’ In a Jataka story, it is mentioned that a ruler who punishes innocent people and does not punish the culprit is not suitable to rule a country.
The king should always improve himself and carefully examines his own conduct in deeds, words and thoughts, trying to discover and listen to public opinion as to whether or not he had been guilty of any faults and mistakes in ruling the kingdom.
If it is found that he rules unrighteous, the public will complain that they are ruined by the wicked ruler with unjust treatment, punishment, taxation, or other oppressions including corruption of any kind, and they will react against him in one way or another. On the contrary, if he rules righteously they will bless him: ‘Long live His Majesty.’ (Majjhima Nikaya).
In the Kutadanta Sutta, the Buddha suggested economic development instead of force to reduce crime. The government should use the country’s resources to improve the economic conditions of the country. It could embark on agricultural and rural development, provide financial support to entrepreneurs and business, provide adequate wages for workers to maintain a decent life with human dignity.
In sutta, Khuddakanikaya Jataka, the Buddha set out certain rules for Good Government, known as ‘Dasa Raja Dharma’. These ten rules would be relevant even today for any government which wishes to rule the country peacefully and ethically in accordance with dhamma Danaŋ sīlaŋ pariccāgaŋ ājjavaŋ maddavaŋ tapaŋ akkodaŋ avihimsañca khantiñca avi.
Dasavidha-rājadhamma consists of:
Dāna
(charity) – being prepared to sacrifice one’s own pleasure for the well-being of the public, such as giving away one’s belongings or other things to support or assist others, including giving knowledge and serving public interests.
Sīla
(morality) – practicing physical and mental morals, and being a good example of others.
Pariccāga
(altruism), being generous and avoiding selfishness, practicing altruism.
Ājjava (honesty) – being honest and sincere towards others, performing one’s duties with loyalty and sincerity to others.
Maddava
(gentleness) having gentle temperament, avoiding arrogance and never defaming others.
Tapa
(self-control) – destroying passion and performing duties without indolence.
Akkodha
(non-anger) – being free from hatred and remaining calm in the midst of confusion.
Avihimsa
(non-violence) – exercising non-violence, not being vengeful.
Khanti
(forbearance) – practicing patience, and trembling to serve public interests.
Avirodhana
(uprightness) — respecting opinions of other persons, avoiding prejudice and promoting public peace and order.
There has been a ruler who exemplified the tenfold virtue of the ruler. He was King Asoka (304-232 BCE), who ruled India for 41 years.
Initially, the King was a great warrior general, winning many battles, and continued to expand the Indian empire during the first eight years of his reign. After one particularly bloody, but victorious, campaign, the King took in the sight of the battleground, and seeing the carnage all around him, famously cried out, “What have I done?” Thereafter, he embraced Buddhism, establishing a just kingdom along Buddhist lines and was known as ‘Dhammasoka’ or “Asoka, the holder of Dhamma”. He promoted wildlife protection, banning hunting for sport, built universities, hospitals for people and animals, and constructed irrigation systems for trade and agriculture. The King also renounced the use of violence, ceasing all military campaigns against his neighbors, instead sending monks and nuns abroad to spread the Buddhist Teachings on wisdom and kindness. Indeed, a son and daughter of King Asoka’s who were monk and nun took Buddhism to Sri Lanka, where it remains the predominant faith to this day. (Wikipedia).
by Dr B.J.C.Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paed), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin),
FRCP(Lon), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
Joint Editor, Sri Lanka Journal of Child Health
In an age of unprecedented global development, technological advancements, universal connectivity, and improvements in living standards in many areas of the world, it is a very dark irony that child food poverty remains a pressing issue. UNICEF defines child food poverty as children’s inability to access and consume a nutritious and diverse diet in early childhood. Despite the planet Earth’s undisputed capacity to produce enough food to nourish everyone, millions of children still go hungry each day. We desperately need to explore the multifaceted deleterious effects of child food poverty, on physical health, cognitive development, emotional well-being, and societal impacts and then try to formulate a road map to alleviate its deleterious effects.
Every day, right across the world, millions of parents and families are struggling to provide nutritious and diverse foods that young children desperately need to reach their full potential. Growing inequities, conflict, and climate crises, combined with rising food prices, the overabundance of unhealthy foods, harmful food marketing strategies and poor child-feeding practices, are condemning millions of children to child food poverty.
In a communique dated 06th June 2024, UNICEF reports that globally, 1 in 4 children; approximately 181 million under the age of five, live in severe child food poverty, defined as consuming at most, two of eight food groups in early childhood. These children are up to 50 per cent more likely to suffer from life-threatening malnutrition. Child Food Poverty: Nutrition Deprivation in Early Childhood – the third issue of UNICEF’s flagship Child Nutrition Report – highlights that millions of young children are unable to access and consume the nutritious and diverse diets that are essential for their growth and development in early childhood and beyond.
It is highlighted in the report that four out of five children experiencing severe child food poverty are fed only breastmilk or just some other milk and/or a starchy staple, such as maize, rice or wheat. Less than 10 per cent of these children are fed fruits and vegetables and less than 5 per cent are fed nutrient-dense foods such as eggs, fish, poultry, or meat. These are horrendous statistics that should pull at the heartstrings of the discerning populace of this world.
The report also identifies the drivers of child food poverty. Strikingly, though 46 per cent of all cases of severe child food poverty are among poor households where income poverty is likely to be a major driver, 54 per cent live in relatively wealthier households, among whom poor food environments and feeding practices are the main drivers of food poverty in early childhood.
One of the most immediate and visible effects of child food poverty is its detrimental impact on physical health. Malnutrition, which can result from both insufficient calorie intake and lack of essential nutrients, is a prevalent consequence. Chronic undernourishment during formative years leads to stunted growth, weakened immune systems, and increased susceptibility to infections and diseases. Children who do not receive adequate nutrition are more likely to suffer from conditions such as anaemia, rickets, and developmental delays.
Moreover, the lack of proper nutrition can have long-term health consequences. Malnourished children are at a higher risk of developing chronic illnesses such as heart disease, diabetes, and obesity later in life. The paradox of child food poverty is that it can lead to both undernutrition and overnutrition, with children in food-insecure households often consuming calorie-dense but nutrient-poor foods due to economic constraints. This dietary pattern increases the risk of obesity, creating a vicious cycle of poor health outcomes.
The impacts of child food poverty extend beyond physical health, severely affecting cognitive development and educational attainment. Adequate nutrition is crucial for brain development, particularly in the early years of life. Malnutrition can impair cognitive functions such as attention, memory, and problem-solving skills. Studies have consistently shown that malnourished children perform worse academically compared to their well-nourished peers. Inadequate nutrition during early childhood can lead to reduced school readiness and lower IQ scores. These children often struggle to concentrate in school, miss more days due to illness, and have lower overall academic performance. This educational disadvantage perpetuates the cycle of poverty, as lower educational attainment reduces future employment opportunities and earning potential.
The emotional and psychological effects of child food poverty are profound and are often overlooked. Food insecurity creates a constant state of stress and anxiety for both children and their families. The uncertainty of not knowing when or where the next meal will come from can lead to feelings of helplessness and despair. Children in food-insecure households are more likely to experience behavioural problems, including hyperactivity, aggression, and withdrawal. The stigma associated with poverty and hunger can further exacerbate these emotional challenges. Children who experience food poverty may feel shame and embarrassment, leading to social isolation and reduced self-esteem. This psychological toll can have lasting effects, contributing to mental health issues such as depression and anxiety in adolescence and adulthood.
Child food poverty also perpetuates cycles of poverty and inequality. Children who grow up in food-insecure households are more likely to remain in poverty as adults, continuing the intergenerational transmission of disadvantage. This cycle of poverty exacerbates social disparities, contributing to increased crime rates, reduced social cohesion, and greater reliance on social welfare programmes. The repercussions of child food poverty ripple through society, creating economic and social challenges that affect everyone. The healthcare costs associated with treating malnutrition-related illnesses and chronic diseases are substantial. Additionally, the educational deficits linked to child food poverty result in a less skilled workforce, which hampers economic growth and productivity.
Addressing child food poverty requires a multi-faceted approach that tackles both immediate needs and underlying causes. Policy interventions are crucial in ensuring that all children have access to adequate nutrition. This can include expanding social safety nets, such as food assistance programmes and school meal initiatives, as well as targeted manoeuvres to reach more vulnerable families. Ensuring that these programmes are adequately funded and effectively implemented is essential for their success.
In addition to direct food assistance, broader economic and social policies are needed to address the root causes of poverty. This includes efforts to increase household incomes through living wage policies, job training programs, and economic development initiatives. Supporting families with affordable childcare, healthcare, and housing can also alleviate some of the financial pressures that contribute to food insecurity.
Community-based initiatives play a vital role in combating child food poverty. Local food banks, community gardens, and nutrition education programmes can help provide immediate relief and promote long-term food security. Collaborative efforts between government, non-profits, and the private sector are necessary to create sustainable solutions.
Child food poverty is a profound and inescapable issue with far-reaching consequences. Its deleterious effects on physical health, cognitive development, emotional well-being, and societal stability underscore the urgent need for comprehensive action. As we strive for a more equitable and just world, addressing child food poverty must be a priority. By ensuring that all children have access to adequate nutrition, we can lay the foundation for a healthier, more prosperous future for individuals and society as a whole. The fight against child food poverty is not just a moral imperative but an investment in our collective future. Healthy, well-nourished children are more likely to grow into productive, contributing members of society. The benefits of addressing this issue extend beyond individual well-being, enhancing economic stability and social harmony. It is incumbent upon us all to recognize and act upon the understanding that every child deserves the right to adequate nutrition and the opportunity to thrive.
Despite all of these existent challenges, it is very definitely possible to end child food poverty. The world needs targeted interventions to transform food, health, and social protection systems, and also take steps to strengthen data systems to track progress in reducing child food poverty. All these manoeuvres must comprise a concerted effort towards making nutritious and diverse diets accessible and affordable to all. We need to call for child food poverty reduction to be recognized as a metric of success towards achieving global and national nutrition and development goals.
Material from UNICEF reports and AI assistance are acknowledged.
By Dr Upul Wijayawardhana
The colossal failure of not a single opinion poll predicting accurately the result of the Indian parliamentary election, the greatest exercise in democracy in the world, raises the question whether the importance of opinion polls is vastly exaggerated. During elections two types of opinion polls are conducted; one based on intentions to vote, published during or before the campaign, often being not very accurate as these are subject to many variables but exit polls, done after the voting where a sample tally of how the voters actually voted, are mostly accurate. However, of the 15 exit polls published soon after all the votes were cast in the massive Indian election, 13 vastly overpredicted the number of seats Modi’s BJP led coalition NDA would obtain, some giving a figure as high as 400, the number Modi claimed he is aiming for. The other two polls grossly underestimated predicting a hung parliament. The actual result is that NDA passed the threshold of 272 comfortably, there being no landslide. BJP by itself was not able to cross the threshold, a significant setback for an overconfident Mody! Whether this would result in less excesses on the part of Modi, like Muslim-bashing, remains to be seen. Anyway, the statement issued by BJP that they would be investigating the reasons for failure rather than blaming the process speaks very highly of the maturity of the democratic process in India.
I was intrigued by this failure of opinion polls as this differs dramatically from opinion polls in the UK. I never failed to watch ‘Election night specials’ on BBC; as the Big Ben strikes ‘ten’ (In the UK polls close at 10pm} the anchor comes out with “Exit polls predict that …” and the actual outcome is often almost as predicted. However, many a time opinion polls conducted during the campaign have got the predictions wrong. There are many explanations for this.
An opinion poll is defined as a research survey of public opinion from a particular sample, the origin of which can be traced back to the 1824 US presidential election, when two local newspapers in North Carolina and Delaware predicted the victory of Andrew Jackson but the sample was local. First national survey was done in 1916 by the magazine, Literary Digest, partly for circulation-raising, by mailing millions of postcards and counting the returns. Of course, this was not very scientific though it accurately predicted the election of Woodrow Wilson.
Since then, opinion polls have grown in extent and complexity with scientific methodology improving the outcome of predictions not only in elections but also in market research. As a result, some of these organisations have become big businesses. For instance, YouGov, an internet-based organisation co-founded by the Iraqi-born British politician Nadim Zahawi, based in London had a revenue of 258 million GBP in 2023.
In Sri Lanka, opinion polls seem to be conducted by only one organisation which, by itself, is a disadvantage, as pooled data from surveys conducted by many are more likely to reflect the true situation. Irrespective of the degree of accuracy, politicians seem to be dependent on the available data which lend explanations to the behaviour of some.
The Institute for Health Policy’s (IHP) Sri Lanka Opinion Tracker Survey has been tracking the voting intentions for the likely candidates for the Presidential election. At one stage the NPP/JVP leader AKD was getting a figure over 50%. This together with some degree of international acceptance made the JVP behave as if they are already in power, leading to some incidents where their true colour was showing.
The comments made by a prominent member of the JVP who claimed that the JVP killed only the riff-raff, raised many questions, in addition to being a total insult to many innocents killed by them including my uncle. Do they have the authority to do so? Do extra-judicial killings continue to be JVP policy? Do they consider anyone who disagrees with them riff-raff? Will they kill them simply because they do not comply like one of my admired teachers, Dr Gladys Jayawardena who was considered riff-raff because she, as the Chairman of the State Pharmaceutical Corporation, arranged to buy drugs cheaper from India? Is it not the height of hypocrisy that AKD is now boasting of his ties to India?
Another big-wig comes with the grand idea of devolving law and order to village level. As stated very strongly, in the editorial “Pledges and reality” (The Island, 20 May) is this what they intend to do: Have JVP kangaroo-courts!
Perhaps, as a result of these incidents AKD’s ratings has dropped to 39%, according to the IHP survey done in April, and Sajith Premadasa’s ratings have increased gradually to match that. Whilst they are level pegging Ranil is far behind at 13%. Is this the reason why Ranil is getting his acolytes to propagate the idea that the best for the country is to extend his tenure by a referendum? He forced the postponement of Local Governments elections by refusing to release funds but he cannot do so for the presidential election for constitutional reasons. He is now looking for loopholes. Has he considered the distinct possibility that the referendum to extend the life of the presidency and the parliament if lost, would double the expenditure?
Unfortunately, this has been an exercise in futility and it would not be surprising if the next survey shows Ranil’s chances dropping even further! Perhaps, the best option available to Ranil is to retire gracefully, taking credit for steadying the economy and saving the country from an anarchic invasion of the parliament, rather than to leave politics in disgrace by coming third in the presidential election. Unless, of course, he is convinced that opinion polls do not matter and what matters is the ballots in the box!
By Prof. Kirthi Tennakone
ktenna@yahoo.co.uk
Thoughtfulness is the quality of being conscious of issues that arise and considering action while seeking explanations. It facilitates finding solutions to problems and judging experiences.
Almost all human accomplishments are consequences of thoughtfulness.
Can you perform day-to-day work efficiently and effectively without being thoughtful? Obviously, no. Are there any major advancements attained without thought and contemplation? Not a single example!
Science and technology, art, music and literary compositions and religion stand conspicuously as products of thought.
Thought could have sinister motives and the only way to eliminate them is through thought itself. Thought could distinguish right from wrong.
Empathy, love, amusement, and expression of sorrow are reflections of thought.
Thought relieves worries by understanding or taking decisive action.
Despite the universal virtue of thoughtfulness, some advocate an idea termed mindfulness, claiming the benefits of nurturing this quality to shape mental wellbeing. The concept is defined as focusing attention to the present moment without judgment. A way of forgetting the worries and calming the mind – a form of meditation. A definition coined in the West to decouple the concept from religion. The attitude could have a temporary advantage as a method of softening negative feelings such as sorrow and anger. However, no man or woman can afford to be non-judgmental all the time. It is incompatible with indispensable thoughtfulness! What is the advantage of diverting attention to one thing without discernment during a few tens of minute’s meditation? The instructors of mindfulness meditation tell you to focus attention on trivial things. Whereas in thoughtfulness, you concentrate the mind on challenging issues. Sometimes arriving at groundbreaking scientific discoveries, solution of mathematical problems or the creation of masterpieces in engineering, art, or literature.
The concept of meditation and mindfulness originated in ancient India around 1000 BCE. Vedic ascetics believed the practice would lead to supernatural powers enabling disclosure of the truth. Failing to meet the said aspiration, notwithstanding so many stories in scripture, is discernable. Otherwise, the world would have been awakened to advancement by ancient Indians before the Greeks. The latter culture emphasized thoughtfulness!
In India, Buddha was the first to deviate from the Vedic philosophy. His teachers, Alara Kalama and Uddaka Ramaputra, were adherents of meditation. Unconvinced of their approach, Buddha concluded a thoughtful analysis of the actualities of life should be the path to realisation. However, in an environment dominated by Vedic tradition, meditation residually persisted when Buddha’s teachings transformed into a religion.
In the early 1970s, a few in the West picked up meditation and mindfulness. We Easterners, who criticize Western ideas all the time, got exalted after seeing something Eastern accepted in the Western circles. Thereafter, Easterners took up the subject more seriously, in the spirit of its definition in the West.
Today, mindfulness has become a marketable commodity – a thriving business spreading worldwide, fueled largely by advertising. There are practice centres, lessons onsite and online, and apps for purchase. Articles written by gurus of the field appear on the web.
What attracts people to mindfulness programmes? Many assume them being stressed and depressed needs to improve their mental capacity. In most instances, these are minor complaints and for understandable reasons, they do not seek mainstream medical interventions but go for exaggeratedly advertised alternatives. Mainstream medical treatments are based on rigorous science and spell out both the pros and cons of the procedure, avoiding overstatement. Whereas the alternative sector makes unsubstantiated claims about the efficacy and effectiveness of the treatment.
Advocates of mindfulness claim the benefits of their prescriptions have been proven scientifically. There are reports (mostly in open-access journals which charge a fee for publication) indicating that authors have found positive aspects of mindfulness or identified reasons correlating the efficacy of such activities. However, they rarely meet standards normally required for unequivocal acceptance. The gold standard of scientific scrutiny is the statistically significant reproducibility of claims.
If a mindfulness guru claims his prescription of meditation cures hypertension, he must record the blood pressure of participants before and after completion of the activity and show the blood pressure of a large percentage has stably dropped and repeat the experiment with different clients. He must also conduct sessions where he adopts another prescription (a placebo) under the same conditions and compares the results. This is not enough, he must request someone else to conduct sessions following his prescription, to rule out the influence of the personality of the instructor.
The laity unaware of the above rigid requirements, accede to purported claims of mindfulness proponents.
A few years ago, an article published and widely cited stated that the practice of mindfulness increases the gray matter density of the brain. A more recent study found there is no such correlation. Popular expositions on the subject do not refer to the latter report. Most mindfulness research published seems to have been conducted intending to prove the benefits of the practice. The hard science demands doing the opposite as well-experiments carried out intending to disprove the claims. You need to be skeptical until things are firmly established.
Despite many efforts diverted to disprove Einstein’s General Theory of Relativity, no contradictions have been found in vain to date, strengthening the validity of the theory. Regarding mindfulness, as it stands, benefits can neither be proved nor disproved, to the gold standard of scientific scrutiny.
Some schools in foreign lands have accommodated mindfulness training programs hoping to develop the mental facility of students and Sri Lanka plans to follow. However, studies also reveal these exercises are ineffective or do more harm than good. Have we investigated this issue before imitation?
Should we force our children to focus attention on one single goal without judgment, even for a moment?
Why not allow young minds to roam wild in their deepest imagination and build castles in the air and encourage them to turn these fantasies into realities by nurturing their thoughtfulness?
Be more thoughtful than mindful?
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