Opinion
What is Jathika Chinthanaya?
A response to the ‘Anatomy of a movement: Jathika Chinthanaya’
by Dr. Sumedha S. Amarasekara
This article is a response to the question- ‘If the failure of the left was what portended Jathika Chinthanaya, what would the sterility and decay of Jathika Chinthanaya portend?’ asked by Uditha Devapriya (UD) at the end of his article: ‘Anatomy of a movement: Jathika Chinthanaya’ (The Island 15.03.2024).
In his article, UD analyses the reasons for the failure of the Left and the fallout from it. Though he is unable to specifically tie in the ‘demise of the Left’ with the ‘relevance of Jathika Chinthanaya (JC), he maintains this to be the case, more or less on the lines that nature abhors a vacuum. Despite the title, UD does not seem to discuss the anatomy of JC, and in the absence of this, it is difficult to ascertain what UD means by ‘the JC of today is no longer the JC of yesterday’. UD instinctively sees a connection between the introduction of an open economy and the aftermath that followed, and the relevance of JC. However, UD does not seem to have been able to corelate these separate concepts meaningfully, especially in the absence of a meaningful ‘definition’ of JC.
In order to answer UD’s question, one must understand the concept of JC and then look at the Left movement in this country from that perspective, it is only then that a sensible answer can be arrived at.
JC can be best described as an ideology based on a ‘civilisational consciousness’ that we have acquired over the last two and a half thousand years. According to Anagarika Dharmapala people of this country guided by this civilisational consciousness lived ‘a contended life’. Each family had a plot of land and the forest and the grasslands were open to the public for their use. The people followed the Sangha who lived a collective life. Collectivism, and not individualism, was the aim of their existence.
Our kings who ruled our country were not tyrants or despots (in a general sense, though a few of them may have been). They were guided by an ethical code – Dasa Raja Dharma, the political /economic system that had evolved over centuries guided by a civilisational consciousness; the Buddhist ‘way of living’ that we had right up until the time we came under the dominion of the British in 1815. What is critical to grasp is that even throughout the rule of the British this ‘civilisational consciousness’ remained intact throughout the villages of this country. It is this civilisational consciousness that was flourishing in the village life that is depicted in the novels by Martin Wickremasinghe (MW) and Gunadasa Amarasekera (GA). In fact, one could argue that MW is the one who started the dialogue of JC, albeit at a subconscious level.
What happened between 1815 and our Independence in 1948, changing the destiny of our country (any many other countries) was the Industrial Revolution. To appreciate the recent (during the last 200 years) economic/political changes in the world, it is pertinent to understand that despite a myriad of scientific advances and break throughs, right up until the industrial revolution there were no real changes in the day to day living.
For example, Julius Cesare arrived in Alexandria, Egypt in 48 BC riding in a ‘horse driven vehicle’ and 2000 years later Abraham Lincoln came to the White house in 1860 still in a ‘horse driven vehicle’. The industrial revolution changed all of this in an unprecedented manner and speed. The industrial revolution-starting in the 19th century- leading to a capitalistic society swept across the world and its propagation happened in this country according to the wishes of our colonial masters, the British- their ideology, expectations and beliefs.
The traditional Left movement in Sri Lanka coincided with the development of the Left movements in the rest of the world- which were an alternative response to the ‘capitalistic society’ which followed the industrial revolution and the increasing ownership of private wealth. Central to these movements was the ideology expounded by Karl Marx (1818- 1883) who saw a socialist state as the next stage in the economic development where workers would own the production process (and benefits) which would lead to the eventual abolition of private property. It was this anti-capitalistic sentiment in the Left movement which resonated in both Gunadasa Amarasekera (GA) and Prof. Nalin de Silva (NdS), which is the explanation as to why both of them were sympathetic towards a Left cause.
In 1948 when we were granted independence; the United National Party (UNP) which came into power, was the de-facto ‘British party’ carrying out the economic policies for a capitalistic society with the Left political parties lined up against this. It was SWRD Bandaranaike who made the first conscious step away from this capitalistic model forming the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) in search of our own model. If Anagarika Dharmapala’s movement is considered as a national awaking of the JC, the SLFP could be considered as the beginning of a political party representing the JC.
The 1970 ‘s government under Mrs. Srimavo Bandaranaike (United Front coalition with the Left movement) was a further step away from the capitalistic direction. Despite the criticisms levelled at her government, it was the first and last time that we, as a nation achieved true economic independence under the guidance of Dr. N.M. Perera as the Minister of Finance and probably had the best foreign policy we ever had-the non-aligned policy.
In 1977, under the auspices of JR Jayewardene, our country embraced an open economic policy in a diametrically opposite path, to what had been taken up to that time. The economic path was Right centred to such an extent that the traditional Left movements became obsolete. As UD states in his article it was the open economic policies of the UNP government that paved the way for the terrorist movements in the South by the JVP and the North by the LTTE. It was a country plunging into disarray that triggered the buried ‘civilizational consciousness ‘of GA in search of our JC.
This search preceded the events in 1977. The splintering of the coalition in 1975, changed the then existing political climate and it looked as if we were leaning again towards a capitalistic path- if not lost our way. It was this feeling of impending gloom and doom that pushed GA to write ‘Abuddassa yugayak’ in 1976. This was the start of his journey towards JC.
‘Anagarika Dharmapala Marxwadida’?
which came out in 1980 embraces the ideological dialogue that GA has with the Left movement/Marxism and JC. This book is probably the most significant political analysis /review that has been done with regard to the role played by Anagarika Dharmapala and provides the deeper understanding to the political movement initiated by SWRD Bandaranaike. ‘Ganaduru mediyama dakinemi arunalu’ published 10 years after the ‘1977 – dharmishta society’ signifies the completion of GA’s study of JC. It was during this time that NdS also seemed to have moved away from his Left leanings.
At that time GA saw the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) as an umbrella group that consisted of the educated youth of this country who were unhappy with the current politics of this country. In Ganaduru mediyama dakinemi arunalu GA discusses the ideological clashes between JC and the traditional Left/ Marxist movement in great detail and as to why they failed in this country. Ganaduru mediyama dakinemi arunalu was in fact, an invitation for this group to embrace their heritage of JC and start a new path. It is probably the concept of JC that influenced politicians such as Wimal Weerawansa who were originally with the JVP to lean away from the Left /Marxist views towards nationalism.
The mid to late 1980’s can be described as a time where there was a huge debate raging throughout the country on civilisation and civilisational consciousness. This was partly due to the opposition by the Tamil separatists (militant and otherwise) and foreign powers who were out to divide this country and the NGOs that funded them. They opposed JC on two fronts, working towards this common goal of a divided Sri Lanka. One front argued that we were all part of humanity and that in reality there was no such thing as an ethnic/national identity!
The other front took the pendulum to the other end and portrayed JC as based on the ethnic consciousness of the Sinhala people and that it is a ‘Sinhala Jathika Chinthanaya’ – an ethnic nationalism based on an ethnic consciousness. GA pointed out the inherent contradiction in the term ethnic nationalism and maintained that ethnic consciousness based on culture cannot take the place of civilisational consciousness based on the harmonious co-existence of different ‘ethnic consciousnesses’ and cultures. This is what we had prior to the advent of the foreigner. There were no clashes among the ethnic groups – no fighting among them. The fights were with the invaders.
GA and NdS had to fight hard against this misconception promoted by the NGOs. It was during this period, as a medical student, that I had the privilege of being exposed to the brilliant oratory of Prof. NdS, who was then at the Department of Mathematics of the University of Colombo. Being born in 1993, UD as well as almost all of our younger generation, unfortunately would have missed these brilliant arguments given in the style of Nagasena Wasthuwa.
The issue of a national identity had an enormous impact on the country and especially the army that was fighting the war. True the army was fighting against the LTTE, but what were they fighting for? One fights for one’s family or one’s country: and here was a situation where the people as well as the world outside were made to believe that we fighting the Tamils and this was an ethnic war.
GA, NdS as well as many other national movements worked tirelessly during this period to counteract this vicious propaganda and create a sense of nationalism. It was especially in this context that the Left movements proved to be impotent. The Left movements identified only with class. They had no inherent national identity. How does a movement that does not identify with the concept of a nation support a national cause? JC was the ideology that provided the answer to this question.
The JVP movement despite being a ‘homegrown movement’ did not appreciate this fact either.
The founders of JC were able to get their message across to the people with the backing of such movements like the Patriotic National Movement and the Manel Mal movement. It was this JC movement that gave the impetus for Mahinda Rajapakse to finally win the war against the LTTE in 2009. It is the same sentiment that gave such an enormous victory to Gotabaya Rajapaksa in 2019. The focus of the manifesto ‘saubagyaye dekma’ was ‘santhosayen inna pawulak’ – a happy family. The concept comes from Buddhism where happiness is seen as the ultimate wealth – ‘Santhutti Paramang Dhanang’. It is a concept of wealth that excludes money /ownership.
So, in response to UD’s article it can be seen that there is no JC of yesterday that is different to the JC of today. It is the same civilizational consciousness that comes through. Certainly, it can evolve over time. But time in this case needs to be measured relative to the civilization, in centuries, if not in millennia. As a civilizational consciousness, JC is not a movement- political or otherwise. It exists in us whether we like it or not. GA showed it and defined it for us, so that we could now consciously recognize it, acknowledge it and embrace it. The failure of the Left was its inability to recognize/comprehend JC -not that the failure of the Left portended JC.
And to finally answer the question raised by UD at the end of his article – what would the sterility and decay of Jathika Chinthanaya portend? In other words what would the sterility and decay of a civilizational consciousness portend? It will portend the end of a civilization. This is how civilizations get fossilized and disappear. And how nations get swept of the earth. In this case it portends the end of our nation. As GA would say, when he is in a pessimistic mood – ‘Maka ma dakinne may Jathiye, Rate awasanya widhiyatai’
Will it happen to us, to Sri Lanka? Have we reached the end?
by Dr B.J.C.Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paed), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin),
FRCP(Lon), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
Joint Editor, Sri Lanka Journal of Child Health
In an age of unprecedented global development, technological advancements, universal connectivity, and improvements in living standards in many areas of the world, it is a very dark irony that child food poverty remains a pressing issue. UNICEF defines child food poverty as children’s inability to access and consume a nutritious and diverse diet in early childhood. Despite the planet Earth’s undisputed capacity to produce enough food to nourish everyone, millions of children still go hungry each day. We desperately need to explore the multifaceted deleterious effects of child food poverty, on physical health, cognitive development, emotional well-being, and societal impacts and then try to formulate a road map to alleviate its deleterious effects.
Every day, right across the world, millions of parents and families are struggling to provide nutritious and diverse foods that young children desperately need to reach their full potential. Growing inequities, conflict, and climate crises, combined with rising food prices, the overabundance of unhealthy foods, harmful food marketing strategies and poor child-feeding practices, are condemning millions of children to child food poverty.
In a communique dated 06th June 2024, UNICEF reports that globally, 1 in 4 children; approximately 181 million under the age of five, live in severe child food poverty, defined as consuming at most, two of eight food groups in early childhood. These children are up to 50 per cent more likely to suffer from life-threatening malnutrition. Child Food Poverty: Nutrition Deprivation in Early Childhood – the third issue of UNICEF’s flagship Child Nutrition Report – highlights that millions of young children are unable to access and consume the nutritious and diverse diets that are essential for their growth and development in early childhood and beyond.
It is highlighted in the report that four out of five children experiencing severe child food poverty are fed only breastmilk or just some other milk and/or a starchy staple, such as maize, rice or wheat. Less than 10 per cent of these children are fed fruits and vegetables and less than 5 per cent are fed nutrient-dense foods such as eggs, fish, poultry, or meat. These are horrendous statistics that should pull at the heartstrings of the discerning populace of this world.
The report also identifies the drivers of child food poverty. Strikingly, though 46 per cent of all cases of severe child food poverty are among poor households where income poverty is likely to be a major driver, 54 per cent live in relatively wealthier households, among whom poor food environments and feeding practices are the main drivers of food poverty in early childhood.
One of the most immediate and visible effects of child food poverty is its detrimental impact on physical health. Malnutrition, which can result from both insufficient calorie intake and lack of essential nutrients, is a prevalent consequence. Chronic undernourishment during formative years leads to stunted growth, weakened immune systems, and increased susceptibility to infections and diseases. Children who do not receive adequate nutrition are more likely to suffer from conditions such as anaemia, rickets, and developmental delays.
Moreover, the lack of proper nutrition can have long-term health consequences. Malnourished children are at a higher risk of developing chronic illnesses such as heart disease, diabetes, and obesity later in life. The paradox of child food poverty is that it can lead to both undernutrition and overnutrition, with children in food-insecure households often consuming calorie-dense but nutrient-poor foods due to economic constraints. This dietary pattern increases the risk of obesity, creating a vicious cycle of poor health outcomes.
The impacts of child food poverty extend beyond physical health, severely affecting cognitive development and educational attainment. Adequate nutrition is crucial for brain development, particularly in the early years of life. Malnutrition can impair cognitive functions such as attention, memory, and problem-solving skills. Studies have consistently shown that malnourished children perform worse academically compared to their well-nourished peers. Inadequate nutrition during early childhood can lead to reduced school readiness and lower IQ scores. These children often struggle to concentrate in school, miss more days due to illness, and have lower overall academic performance. This educational disadvantage perpetuates the cycle of poverty, as lower educational attainment reduces future employment opportunities and earning potential.
The emotional and psychological effects of child food poverty are profound and are often overlooked. Food insecurity creates a constant state of stress and anxiety for both children and their families. The uncertainty of not knowing when or where the next meal will come from can lead to feelings of helplessness and despair. Children in food-insecure households are more likely to experience behavioural problems, including hyperactivity, aggression, and withdrawal. The stigma associated with poverty and hunger can further exacerbate these emotional challenges. Children who experience food poverty may feel shame and embarrassment, leading to social isolation and reduced self-esteem. This psychological toll can have lasting effects, contributing to mental health issues such as depression and anxiety in adolescence and adulthood.
Child food poverty also perpetuates cycles of poverty and inequality. Children who grow up in food-insecure households are more likely to remain in poverty as adults, continuing the intergenerational transmission of disadvantage. This cycle of poverty exacerbates social disparities, contributing to increased crime rates, reduced social cohesion, and greater reliance on social welfare programmes. The repercussions of child food poverty ripple through society, creating economic and social challenges that affect everyone. The healthcare costs associated with treating malnutrition-related illnesses and chronic diseases are substantial. Additionally, the educational deficits linked to child food poverty result in a less skilled workforce, which hampers economic growth and productivity.
Addressing child food poverty requires a multi-faceted approach that tackles both immediate needs and underlying causes. Policy interventions are crucial in ensuring that all children have access to adequate nutrition. This can include expanding social safety nets, such as food assistance programmes and school meal initiatives, as well as targeted manoeuvres to reach more vulnerable families. Ensuring that these programmes are adequately funded and effectively implemented is essential for their success.
In addition to direct food assistance, broader economic and social policies are needed to address the root causes of poverty. This includes efforts to increase household incomes through living wage policies, job training programs, and economic development initiatives. Supporting families with affordable childcare, healthcare, and housing can also alleviate some of the financial pressures that contribute to food insecurity.
Community-based initiatives play a vital role in combating child food poverty. Local food banks, community gardens, and nutrition education programmes can help provide immediate relief and promote long-term food security. Collaborative efforts between government, non-profits, and the private sector are necessary to create sustainable solutions.
Child food poverty is a profound and inescapable issue with far-reaching consequences. Its deleterious effects on physical health, cognitive development, emotional well-being, and societal stability underscore the urgent need for comprehensive action. As we strive for a more equitable and just world, addressing child food poverty must be a priority. By ensuring that all children have access to adequate nutrition, we can lay the foundation for a healthier, more prosperous future for individuals and society as a whole. The fight against child food poverty is not just a moral imperative but an investment in our collective future. Healthy, well-nourished children are more likely to grow into productive, contributing members of society. The benefits of addressing this issue extend beyond individual well-being, enhancing economic stability and social harmony. It is incumbent upon us all to recognize and act upon the understanding that every child deserves the right to adequate nutrition and the opportunity to thrive.
Despite all of these existent challenges, it is very definitely possible to end child food poverty. The world needs targeted interventions to transform food, health, and social protection systems, and also take steps to strengthen data systems to track progress in reducing child food poverty. All these manoeuvres must comprise a concerted effort towards making nutritious and diverse diets accessible and affordable to all. We need to call for child food poverty reduction to be recognized as a metric of success towards achieving global and national nutrition and development goals.
Material from UNICEF reports and AI assistance are acknowledged.
By Dr Upul Wijayawardhana
The colossal failure of not a single opinion poll predicting accurately the result of the Indian parliamentary election, the greatest exercise in democracy in the world, raises the question whether the importance of opinion polls is vastly exaggerated. During elections two types of opinion polls are conducted; one based on intentions to vote, published during or before the campaign, often being not very accurate as these are subject to many variables but exit polls, done after the voting where a sample tally of how the voters actually voted, are mostly accurate. However, of the 15 exit polls published soon after all the votes were cast in the massive Indian election, 13 vastly overpredicted the number of seats Modi’s BJP led coalition NDA would obtain, some giving a figure as high as 400, the number Modi claimed he is aiming for. The other two polls grossly underestimated predicting a hung parliament. The actual result is that NDA passed the threshold of 272 comfortably, there being no landslide. BJP by itself was not able to cross the threshold, a significant setback for an overconfident Mody! Whether this would result in less excesses on the part of Modi, like Muslim-bashing, remains to be seen. Anyway, the statement issued by BJP that they would be investigating the reasons for failure rather than blaming the process speaks very highly of the maturity of the democratic process in India.
I was intrigued by this failure of opinion polls as this differs dramatically from opinion polls in the UK. I never failed to watch ‘Election night specials’ on BBC; as the Big Ben strikes ‘ten’ (In the UK polls close at 10pm} the anchor comes out with “Exit polls predict that …” and the actual outcome is often almost as predicted. However, many a time opinion polls conducted during the campaign have got the predictions wrong. There are many explanations for this.
An opinion poll is defined as a research survey of public opinion from a particular sample, the origin of which can be traced back to the 1824 US presidential election, when two local newspapers in North Carolina and Delaware predicted the victory of Andrew Jackson but the sample was local. First national survey was done in 1916 by the magazine, Literary Digest, partly for circulation-raising, by mailing millions of postcards and counting the returns. Of course, this was not very scientific though it accurately predicted the election of Woodrow Wilson.
Since then, opinion polls have grown in extent and complexity with scientific methodology improving the outcome of predictions not only in elections but also in market research. As a result, some of these organisations have become big businesses. For instance, YouGov, an internet-based organisation co-founded by the Iraqi-born British politician Nadim Zahawi, based in London had a revenue of 258 million GBP in 2023.
In Sri Lanka, opinion polls seem to be conducted by only one organisation which, by itself, is a disadvantage, as pooled data from surveys conducted by many are more likely to reflect the true situation. Irrespective of the degree of accuracy, politicians seem to be dependent on the available data which lend explanations to the behaviour of some.
The Institute for Health Policy’s (IHP) Sri Lanka Opinion Tracker Survey has been tracking the voting intentions for the likely candidates for the Presidential election. At one stage the NPP/JVP leader AKD was getting a figure over 50%. This together with some degree of international acceptance made the JVP behave as if they are already in power, leading to some incidents where their true colour was showing.
The comments made by a prominent member of the JVP who claimed that the JVP killed only the riff-raff, raised many questions, in addition to being a total insult to many innocents killed by them including my uncle. Do they have the authority to do so? Do extra-judicial killings continue to be JVP policy? Do they consider anyone who disagrees with them riff-raff? Will they kill them simply because they do not comply like one of my admired teachers, Dr Gladys Jayawardena who was considered riff-raff because she, as the Chairman of the State Pharmaceutical Corporation, arranged to buy drugs cheaper from India? Is it not the height of hypocrisy that AKD is now boasting of his ties to India?
Another big-wig comes with the grand idea of devolving law and order to village level. As stated very strongly, in the editorial “Pledges and reality” (The Island, 20 May) is this what they intend to do: Have JVP kangaroo-courts!
Perhaps, as a result of these incidents AKD’s ratings has dropped to 39%, according to the IHP survey done in April, and Sajith Premadasa’s ratings have increased gradually to match that. Whilst they are level pegging Ranil is far behind at 13%. Is this the reason why Ranil is getting his acolytes to propagate the idea that the best for the country is to extend his tenure by a referendum? He forced the postponement of Local Governments elections by refusing to release funds but he cannot do so for the presidential election for constitutional reasons. He is now looking for loopholes. Has he considered the distinct possibility that the referendum to extend the life of the presidency and the parliament if lost, would double the expenditure?
Unfortunately, this has been an exercise in futility and it would not be surprising if the next survey shows Ranil’s chances dropping even further! Perhaps, the best option available to Ranil is to retire gracefully, taking credit for steadying the economy and saving the country from an anarchic invasion of the parliament, rather than to leave politics in disgrace by coming third in the presidential election. Unless, of course, he is convinced that opinion polls do not matter and what matters is the ballots in the box!
By Prof. Kirthi Tennakone
ktenna@yahoo.co.uk
Thoughtfulness is the quality of being conscious of issues that arise and considering action while seeking explanations. It facilitates finding solutions to problems and judging experiences.
Almost all human accomplishments are consequences of thoughtfulness.
Can you perform day-to-day work efficiently and effectively without being thoughtful? Obviously, no. Are there any major advancements attained without thought and contemplation? Not a single example!
Science and technology, art, music and literary compositions and religion stand conspicuously as products of thought.
Thought could have sinister motives and the only way to eliminate them is through thought itself. Thought could distinguish right from wrong.
Empathy, love, amusement, and expression of sorrow are reflections of thought.
Thought relieves worries by understanding or taking decisive action.
Despite the universal virtue of thoughtfulness, some advocate an idea termed mindfulness, claiming the benefits of nurturing this quality to shape mental wellbeing. The concept is defined as focusing attention to the present moment without judgment. A way of forgetting the worries and calming the mind – a form of meditation. A definition coined in the West to decouple the concept from religion. The attitude could have a temporary advantage as a method of softening negative feelings such as sorrow and anger. However, no man or woman can afford to be non-judgmental all the time. It is incompatible with indispensable thoughtfulness! What is the advantage of diverting attention to one thing without discernment during a few tens of minute’s meditation? The instructors of mindfulness meditation tell you to focus attention on trivial things. Whereas in thoughtfulness, you concentrate the mind on challenging issues. Sometimes arriving at groundbreaking scientific discoveries, solution of mathematical problems or the creation of masterpieces in engineering, art, or literature.
The concept of meditation and mindfulness originated in ancient India around 1000 BCE. Vedic ascetics believed the practice would lead to supernatural powers enabling disclosure of the truth. Failing to meet the said aspiration, notwithstanding so many stories in scripture, is discernable. Otherwise, the world would have been awakened to advancement by ancient Indians before the Greeks. The latter culture emphasized thoughtfulness!
In India, Buddha was the first to deviate from the Vedic philosophy. His teachers, Alara Kalama and Uddaka Ramaputra, were adherents of meditation. Unconvinced of their approach, Buddha concluded a thoughtful analysis of the actualities of life should be the path to realisation. However, in an environment dominated by Vedic tradition, meditation residually persisted when Buddha’s teachings transformed into a religion.
In the early 1970s, a few in the West picked up meditation and mindfulness. We Easterners, who criticize Western ideas all the time, got exalted after seeing something Eastern accepted in the Western circles. Thereafter, Easterners took up the subject more seriously, in the spirit of its definition in the West.
Today, mindfulness has become a marketable commodity – a thriving business spreading worldwide, fueled largely by advertising. There are practice centres, lessons onsite and online, and apps for purchase. Articles written by gurus of the field appear on the web.
What attracts people to mindfulness programmes? Many assume them being stressed and depressed needs to improve their mental capacity. In most instances, these are minor complaints and for understandable reasons, they do not seek mainstream medical interventions but go for exaggeratedly advertised alternatives. Mainstream medical treatments are based on rigorous science and spell out both the pros and cons of the procedure, avoiding overstatement. Whereas the alternative sector makes unsubstantiated claims about the efficacy and effectiveness of the treatment.
Advocates of mindfulness claim the benefits of their prescriptions have been proven scientifically. There are reports (mostly in open-access journals which charge a fee for publication) indicating that authors have found positive aspects of mindfulness or identified reasons correlating the efficacy of such activities. However, they rarely meet standards normally required for unequivocal acceptance. The gold standard of scientific scrutiny is the statistically significant reproducibility of claims.
If a mindfulness guru claims his prescription of meditation cures hypertension, he must record the blood pressure of participants before and after completion of the activity and show the blood pressure of a large percentage has stably dropped and repeat the experiment with different clients. He must also conduct sessions where he adopts another prescription (a placebo) under the same conditions and compares the results. This is not enough, he must request someone else to conduct sessions following his prescription, to rule out the influence of the personality of the instructor.
The laity unaware of the above rigid requirements, accede to purported claims of mindfulness proponents.
A few years ago, an article published and widely cited stated that the practice of mindfulness increases the gray matter density of the brain. A more recent study found there is no such correlation. Popular expositions on the subject do not refer to the latter report. Most mindfulness research published seems to have been conducted intending to prove the benefits of the practice. The hard science demands doing the opposite as well-experiments carried out intending to disprove the claims. You need to be skeptical until things are firmly established.
Despite many efforts diverted to disprove Einstein’s General Theory of Relativity, no contradictions have been found in vain to date, strengthening the validity of the theory. Regarding mindfulness, as it stands, benefits can neither be proved nor disproved, to the gold standard of scientific scrutiny.
Some schools in foreign lands have accommodated mindfulness training programs hoping to develop the mental facility of students and Sri Lanka plans to follow. However, studies also reveal these exercises are ineffective or do more harm than good. Have we investigated this issue before imitation?
Should we force our children to focus attention on one single goal without judgment, even for a moment?
Why not allow young minds to roam wild in their deepest imagination and build castles in the air and encourage them to turn these fantasies into realities by nurturing their thoughtfulness?
Be more thoughtful than mindful?
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