Features
What conspiracy?
GR has resorted to numerous unfounded and racially-charged assertions in an attempt to conceal his profound shortcomings and lack of astuteness in governance as a leader. Gotabaya has asserted that his life was in jeopardy before leaving the country, a tendency that is known for perceiving conspiracy theories even in the absence of evidence. Consequently, he fled and subsequently submitted his resignation.
Misinterpretations
GR argues that the key factor in his over 52% victory in the 2019 presidential election was the Sinhala vote. Claiming that the win was only because the Sinhala vote oversimplifies a complex election scenario. Firstly, it is crucial to acknowledge the diversity of Sri Lanka’s population and the multi-faceted nature of the electorate’s decisions. While the Sinhala vote certainly played a significant role, it would be unjust to discount the support garnered from other communities.
Then he claims that Catholic clergy were backers of the aragalaya solely in their capacity as Catholics, not as engaged citizens. Despite pressure from prominent monks of three Buddhist Nikayas to accede to aragalaya demands, the book singularly holds the church accountable for its support of the aragalaya, overlooking broader civic considerations.
He later laments that, from the moment he was nominated as a presidential candidate, significant portions of the Tamil and Muslim populations, overseas Tamil groups, foreign-funded NGOs, and certain countries with substantial expatriate Tamil populations were openly opposed to the idea of him becoming the President of Sri Lanka. Nevertheless, the appointment of several Tamil and Muslim ministers in his cabinet suggests a more complex situation. While certain segments of not only the Tamil and Muslim populations but also a portion of the Sinhala population may have expressed reservations, portraying it as unanimous hostility is an oversimplification.
GR has shown a lack of maturity by asserting that the presidential elections of January 2010 and November 2019 were instances where the people of Sri Lanka triumphed over conspiratorial forces, while conspirators emerged victorious in both the January 2015 presidential election and his resignation in July 2022.
He is trying to distance himself from the rejected members of the Rajapaksa family, admitting that he was reluctant to appoint several family members to various positions. However, he does not provide an explanation for the decisions to appoint them. On the contrary, the appointments made during his tenure reveal a significant concentration of family members in key positions, indicating a departure from the stated intent. as he admit elsewhere saying “One of the accusations levelled at me was that even though I claimed to be doing things differently, that in reality I consolidated the power of the Rajapaksa family further and that under me there were more members of the family holding ministerial office than there was even under Mahinda Rajapaksa. To be sure, under my Presidency, there were five Rajapaksas in the Cabinet…”
Then, he complains, “The fact that I was not leading the party meant that I did not have much political power. For example, I was not involved in preparing the SLPP national list or the district nomination lists.”
However, the reality is that he remains steadfast in his reluctance to heed expert advice, particularly on matters like the “conspiracy” surrounding organic fertiliser, VAT cuts, fixed exchange rate policies, money printing and import duty manipulations.
Also, he successfully managed to influence even staunch factions, such as Wimal Weerawansa, making them feel highly sensitive to his requests for constitutional amendments.
Another one of his amusing assertions is that having 150 MPs became a disadvantage rather than an advantage, as he stated, “This is what made it easier for our opponents to destroy us.”
While it is acknowledged that not leading the party might limit direct control over certain aspects, the claim that the lack of political power resulted from not leading the party requires scrutiny. The assertion that he was not involved in the preparation of the SLPP national list or district nomination lists is a matter of organisational dynamics and internal decision-making processes. It is essential to recognise that political influence can manifest through various channels beyond formal leadership roles, and active involvement in strategic decisions does not solely hinge on holding the party leadership position.
“There were also various individuals and groups that believed that their support was crucial in ensuring that I was elected to power and they expected me to do what they wanted. These are the problems that emerge when somebody like me gets elected to power.” Balancing the demands of different factions is a common challenge in politics, and the difficulties mentioned are not unique to any particular leader. The key lies in effective communication, managing expectations, and making decisions that align with broader national interests.
Then he confesses, “I have openly admitted that the way the organic farming initiative of my government was implemented was a failure and a mistake… Though some think that the ban on the import of chemical fertiliser was taken suddenly and without much consultation, the shift to organic farming was a matter that had been under discussion in my government from the earliest days and it was an integral part of my manifesto ‘Vistas of Prosperity.'” This statement underscores his dishonesty. Despite numerous observations from agricultural experts warning that achieving 100% organic farming is impossible, GR, being shortsighted, chose not to listen. Guided by ill-advice, His motivation was to conserve foreign reserves by banning the importation of fertiliser and agrochemicals, as the evidence suggests.
While the intent may have been present in the manifesto ‘Vistas of Prosperity,’ the abruptness of the ban and the perceived lack of extensive consultation have raised concerns among various stakeholders.
Regarding the aborted attempt to import organic fertiliser from Qingdao Seawin Biotech Group of China, attributing the problems to deliberate sabotage associated with regime change projects is far-fetched It is crucial to differentiate between unforeseen challenges in implementation and intentional sabotage, maintaining a fair and evidence-based approach in assessing the events surrounding the organic fertiliser import.
Passing the buck
The claim that certain so-called apolitical appointees in his government played a major role in funding and organising opposition against his lacks substantial evidence. Labeling individuals as “fifth columnists” within the country and his own government appears to be an oversimplified and baseless characterisation, lacking the complexity and evidence required for a credible argument.
Instead of simply labeling certain appointees as apolitical, it raises questions about the criteria used for their selection and the subsequent evaluation of their actions. It would be enlightening if he could disclose a few names in this regard, helping readers of his book to understand the motivations and actions of the individuals involved and to assess whether their activities were genuinely apolitical or driven by specific political agendas.
Then, as the President and head of National Security, GR attempted to shift the blame to his lieutenants, displaying qualities of a leader lacking courage. He complains about failure of intelligence by stating, “If an organised mob can make its way to Colombo completely unopposed and then proceed to take over the President’s House, the Presidential Secretariat, the Prime Minister’s Office and the Prime Minister’s official residence and to burn down the private residence of the incumbent Prime Minister, that can only be described as a law-and-order debacle.”
The assertion that the intelligence service excelled in pandemic-related duties but failed to detect politically-motivated mobs on social media indicates a lapse in monitoring and raises questions about the effectiveness of intelligence gathering.
The claim that standard operating procedures were not implemented as intended during the critical months of May and July 2022 highlights a breakdown in the response mechanisms. It is crucial to delve into the specifics of these deviations to understand the reasons behind the apparent lapse in adherence to established protocols.
Finally, about the aragalaya, he opines “It would be extremely naïve for anyone to claim that there was no foreign hand in the moves made to oust me from power.”
While acknowledging the existence of foreign interests and influence in global affairs, the assertion that GR’s ousting from power was solely orchestrated by foreign powers requires careful examination. It is crucial to distinguish between legitimate concerns about foreign interference and the potential oversimplification of complex political events.
The claim that foreign powers maintain a cadre of activists to promote their agenda in Sri Lanka is a serious allegation. Furthermore, the idea that foreign trips, research grants, and other incentives induce individuals to act against the national interest merits a thorough investigation to substantiate such claims.
Therefore, according to GR, every political action and ideology opposing his policies is a conspiracy confirming that he lacks the capacity or wisdom to comprehend the intricacies of democracy and citizens’ rights.
The apparent objective of this tactic is to instill fear among the majority Sinhala Buddhist community, fostering division against ethnic and religious minorities in the country. While instances of this divisive ideology may surface in the upcoming Sri Lankan elections, it is premature to determine whether the Rajapaksa family will wholeheartedly embrace it.
(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT University, Malabe. He is also the author of the “Doing Social Research and Publishing Results”, a Springer publication (Singapore), and “Samaja Gaveshakaya (in Sinhala). The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the institution he works for. He can be contacted at saliya.a@slit.lk and www.researcher.com)