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Opinion

Understanding People Power and GotaGoGama!

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By Austin Fernando

As a state officer, I had a ringside view of several uprisings in Sri Lanka. The worst was the LTTE conflict. One may call these uprisings, struggles, insurgencies, terrorism, militancy, etc. Economics was the main driver of all of them. The same is true of the current struggle as well.

One common factor in all these uprisings was that all of them were led by the youth. The first and second JVP ‘insurgencies’ were led by Rohana Wijeweera himself; the other armed conflict was led by Velupillai Prabhakaran, who was young when it commenced.

Another common factor was that all these events were marred by violence by the parties thereto. In 1971, the Sirimavo Bandaranaike government secured limited foreign assistance (air/ military) in handling the uprising. Later, all governments enlisted international support to procure arms and ammunition, gather intelligence, and safeguard Sri Lanka’s interests at international fora.

Another commonality was the extensive killings by both parties and the devastation of properties, state assets, disappearances, and a large number of deaths that went unaccounted for.

The three previous struggles were not ethnically inclusive while the current one shows ethnic and religious inclusivity.

The involvement of expatriate Sri Lankans in previous uprisings was only through the Tamil Diaspora on behalf of the LTTE. But the current struggle has driven thousands of Sri Lankans to protest in foreign capitals, irrespective of their ethno-religious differences. Their common demand has been the removal of those in power here, the hashtag being ‘Gota Go Home!

GotaGoHome Uprising

I have highlighted the foregoing because we have a youth-led peaceful protest movement in Sri Lanka. The uprising commenced with consumer resistance at filling stations, gas sales outlets, cooperative shops, etc., later leading to evening vigils, and protests at workplaces and then at GotaGoGama.

Until GotaGoGama happened People Power had been thought to be spontaneous. Now, we find elders, academics, media persons, artistes, trade unionists, war heroes, undergraduates, and many others joining the protest.

Although previous struggles were violent, the GotaGoGama clamour is for a non-violent change of political leadership, the elimination of nepotism and corruption, constitutional reforms, and the introduction of progressive legislation/institutions and engaging foreign expertise.

The GotaGoGama protesters should not misunderstand that politicians will give up power without a ‘struggle’ to safeguard their interests.

Since the uprising is nonviolent, the demanded change should happen without violence. We have seen the youth acting with restraint despite being provoked by some members of the Police, but the question is how long both sides would remain calm.

Nonnegotiables

There are four non-negotiables according to the GoGotaGamians:

(1) Gotabaya Rajapaksa should leave office;

(2) The Rajapaksa clan should be removed from the government;

(3) The 20th Amendment must be repealed and an upgraded version of19th Amendment brought in as the 21st Amendment, and

(4) All stolen national assets should be traced and returned while the culprits are punished severely.

The first demand is supported by most enlightened Sri Lankans as it is clear to everyone that the economic collapse is due to the wrong economic decisions of the President and the government. However, constitutionally vacating the presidency could happen under Article 38 due to death, resignation, the holder of the presidency ceasing to be a citizen of Sri Lanka, and impeachment. The legal difficulties should be understood, especially by non-violent GotaGoGamians.

Nevertheless, the presidential immunity is invoked where item four (corruption) is concerned, and thus there is a strong case for the ouster of the President immediately because presidential immunity blocks potential prosecution.

The second demand pertains to nepotism, and the youth do not subscribe to the usual explanation given by pro-government spokespersons, as it is consequentially tagged to the electoral victories of the Rajapaksas. Such explanations are due to a misunderstanding of the GotaGoGama demands. Protesters are also denouncing appointments to key positions, made on the basis of kinship.

The third demand is the concentration of power (through the 20th Amendment) in one individual. This has become particularly problematic as the President lacks political experience. Inexperience made him take ill-advised, uninformed decisions and thereby plunge the country into economic misery, provoking social unrest. He has owned up to his mistakes and his admission has strengthened the position of his critics that he has to give up the presidency urgently.

The fourth demand is backed by many social and formal media revelations which have not been countered satisfactorily. Government politicians and their cronies have callously demanded critics pursue legal action to prove allegations of corruption. Since there are time-tested international institutions (World Bank StAR, UN Convention Against Corruption, UN Office on Drugs and Crimes, etc.,) and other mechanisms to probe these allegations, it is obvious that the alleged culprits have misunderstood reality.

Additionally, it is claimed in some quarters that corruption cases against government politicians have collapsed, and therefore there is no point in prosecuting them. They allege that government influence on the legal system will help key politicians cover up their tracks. It shows the understanding of ground realities by GotaGoGamians.

Attempted civilian interventions

A group of retired public servants, civil society activists, and professionals recently discussed how to resolve the complex issues and had some fruitful discussions with the GoGotaGama protesters, mostly via Zoom.

Non-negotiables and intransigence are common in conflict resolution. I experienced them when we negotiated peace with the LTTE, which was powerful at the time but opted to enter into negotiations. It is therefore advisable for the GotaGoGamians to identify a team of negotiators. Even the ruthless terrorists chose to be flexible and the question is why a group of peaceful young protesters cannot do so.

The protesters’ insistence that there is no need for negotiations may be taken as their position that everything should happen as they wish. The GotaGoGamians should understand that the basic law is supreme. Or, one may interpret intransigence as an attempt to explore other means by them, and this may provoke the government into adopting other means, which may be disastrous nationally and internationally, politically and economically.

It is not advisable to disregard laws. The best example is the appointment by President Maithripala Sirisena of Mahinda Rajapaksa as the Prime Minister on 26 Oct. 2018, and the shock he received in the form of a Supreme Court ruling.

I recall that the LTTE during negotiations with us made certain demands with no respect for the Constitution, or the Ceasefire Agreement, knowing well that the government would not agree. Hence, I wish the GotaGoGamians would change their stance and select some efficient, effective negotiators.

If a stalemate occurs after their demands are partially granted—as in the case of Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa stepping down—they could change their strategy, within limits. I am reminded of the advice by the President of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka, Saliya Pieris, PC regarding the need to adhere to the Constitution of Sri Lanka. I recollect that one of the GotaGoGama Zoom interlocutors stressed the need to be constitutionalist; I hope all protesters share this positive approach.

Arguing for the government

We come across critics who ask why political reforms such as the vacation of the presidency are required when the issue is economic. This argument amounts to a misrepresentation of facts. Others point out that excessive constitutional power is misused (e. g. (1) whitewashing the sugar duty concessions granted to ‘friends of the President’ to the tune of nearly Rs. 16 billion, by debilitating the parliamentary watchdog committee through prorogation, and, (2) not following action on the shady deal despite recommendations made by the Auditor General (March 2022) in his special report, (3) disastrous ban on agrochemicals (4) excessive tax concessions granted in 2019). Critics argue that if the President is allowed to remain in office and make some more disastrous arbitrary decisions, the country will be done for.

Some of those who argue on behalf of the government ask what will happen to the country if both the Prime Minister and the President leave office. They say the Opposition has not disclosed how it will deal with such an eventuality. Indeed, the Opposition without state power has not divulged an action plan, but it is much worse when the government with all state power cannot spell out how it proposes to solve the existing problems.

The government wavered until the change of the Central Bank Governor and the Finance Ministry Secretary and tried to cover up the mess it had caused as regards foreign reserves, exchange rates, gold reserves, duty waivers, etc. It is clear that they have been without any action plan, and will not have one in the future as well. This bolsters the argument for their ouster.

‘Leaderless’ uprising

Once we met some GotaGoGamian youth informally though we were uncertain of their real role identities. That meeting and the Zoom discussions made us understand that there was no single leader for the uprising. There were some persons leading different protests and they seem to believe that leaders will emerge as time lapses.

Although the leadership of the protest movement did not emerge for the first two weeks or so, it emerged after a new face claiming “hash-tag ownership” appeared. This created a sort of dispute among the GotaGoGamians and received wide publicity on social media. It must be noted that such disputes will weaken the movement, and the government will certainly benefit from them. The GotaGoGamians should not undervalue unity.

Some political critics thought that a leadership council might be preferable, but the youth might have considered the disadvantages, especially for the personal safety of those on the leadership council. They may have even considered it as a ploy to create disunity among them. Some questioned whether the movement was disintegrating, a claim which was dismissed by social media activists supportive of the uprising as emanating from the prophets of gloom.

Concurrently, the government seemed clueless about responding to the uprising. The easiest way for it was to use military force, which would however have jeopardised the ongoing efforts to secure IMF and international support.

The Rambukkana incident may have been an instance where the government tested the water, but the united front that lawyers et al presented, and the protests that erupted, condemning police brutality, put paid to the government’s efforts.

At GotaGoGama, there was not much military or police presence. It was something positive since the force to crush the GotaGoGama agitation would have led to protests emerging in all parts of the country.

Since the protesting youth declared that they had no political affiliations, and no political parties were participating in their agitations officially, labels cannot be stuck on them. It cannot however be denied that infiltration has not taken place; there may be intelligence cadres and political proxies mingling with protesters. Some persons have been caught and exposed as Presidential Secretariat workers, according to social media reports.

The government may be thinking that the uprising will die down with the passage of time when leadership issues emerge; supplies become scarce, and public interest dwindles.

The youth may be cashing in on competing political interests within the government and among opposition groups, efforts being made to appease the IMF, participation of society leaders, academics, artistes, professionals, and business magnates, trade unions, etc., in their protest. They may also have expected the general strike to continue for a few days, crippling the government. The one-day work stoppage by 1,000 trade unions has proved how a strike could effectively affect communities.

Under these circumstances, GotaGoGama may be expecting the resignation of the Prime Minister first, (even before the strike on 06 May ends!), followed by that of the President. Up to date, their prayers have not been answered.

However, the President has not been able to visit his office for weeks and if the strike stops the government from functioning, it would mean that the Executive President is toothless, and I do not think President Rajapaksa will be able to come to terms with it.

It will be difficult for the government to give in, but what alternatives are available other than to give up power?

Reverberation

I am reminded of 05 of July 2018, when I left the Presidential Secretariat for good. That day, addressing my officials, I said:

“There is no inherent power in power. If there were an inherent power in power, you could not oust those with power. The true power of power- whether it is personal, professional, or political- comes with your ability to give up that power. The strength that the renouncement of power gives you is unmatched by any other force. The Buddha taught us this lesson 2500 years ago. It is something important that public servants and politicians alike should reflect on.”

I believe that I have not misunderstood power. Nevertheless, these words reverberate in my mind. If these words could echo in the Secretariat from where I made the speech, it may enlighten those who hear them.

Concluding remarks

Let the power games of the politicians and the people be settled without misunderstandings or bloodshed. My Sri Lankan brethren do not deserve such a disaster in these difficult times, simply because politicians cannot renounce power, and Opposition politicians remain undecided. All of them from the President, the Prime Minister, and all parliamentarians (except a handful) probably think People’s power is secondary to political power. This is a huge mistake.

No wonder People Power is gaining momentum, and I hope that it leads to sustainable great results. Let’s keep our fingers crossed.



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Opinion

Child food poverty: A prowling menace

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by Dr B.J.C.Perera 
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paed), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin),
FRCP(Lon), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL) 
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
Joint Editor, Sri Lanka Journal of Child Health

In an age of unprecedented global development, technological advancements, universal connectivity, and improvements in living standards in many areas of the world, it is a very dark irony that child food poverty remains a pressing issue. UNICEF defines child food poverty as children’s inability to access and consume a nutritious and diverse diet in early childhood. Despite the planet Earth’s undisputed capacity to produce enough food to nourish everyone, millions of children still go hungry each day. We desperately need to explore the multifaceted deleterious effects of child food poverty, on physical health, cognitive development, emotional well-being, and societal impacts and then try to formulate a road map to alleviate its deleterious effects.

Every day, right across the world, millions of parents and families are struggling to provide nutritious and diverse foods that young children desperately need to reach their full potential. Growing inequities, conflict, and climate crises, combined with rising food prices, the overabundance of unhealthy foods, harmful food marketing strategies and poor child-feeding practices, are condemning millions of children to child food poverty.

In a communique dated 06th June 2024, UNICEF reports that globally, 1 in 4 children; approximately 181 million under the age of five, live in severe child food poverty, defined as consuming at most, two of eight food groups in early childhood. These children are up to 50 per cent more likely to suffer from life-threatening malnutrition. Child Food Poverty: Nutrition Deprivation in Early Childhood – the third issue of UNICEF’s flagship Child Nutrition Report – highlights that millions of young children are unable to access and consume the nutritious and diverse diets that are essential for their growth and development in early childhood and beyond.

It is highlighted in the report that four out of five children experiencing severe child food poverty are fed only breastmilk or just some other milk and/or a starchy staple, such as maize, rice or wheat. Less than 10 per cent of these children are fed fruits and vegetables and less than 5 per cent are fed nutrient-dense foods such as eggs, fish, poultry, or meat. These are horrendous statistics that should pull at the heartstrings of the discerning populace of this world.

The report also identifies the drivers of child food poverty. Strikingly, though 46 per cent of all cases of severe child food poverty are among poor households where income poverty is likely to be a major driver, 54 per cent live in relatively wealthier households, among whom poor food environments and feeding practices are the main drivers of food poverty in early childhood.

One of the most immediate and visible effects of child food poverty is its detrimental impact on physical health. Malnutrition, which can result from both insufficient calorie intake and lack of essential nutrients, is a prevalent consequence. Chronic undernourishment during formative years leads to stunted growth, weakened immune systems, and increased susceptibility to infections and diseases. Children who do not receive adequate nutrition are more likely to suffer from conditions such as anaemia, rickets, and developmental delays.

Moreover, the lack of proper nutrition can have long-term health consequences. Malnourished children are at a higher risk of developing chronic illnesses such as heart disease, diabetes, and obesity later in life. The paradox of child food poverty is that it can lead to both undernutrition and overnutrition, with children in food-insecure households often consuming calorie-dense but nutrient-poor foods due to economic constraints. This dietary pattern increases the risk of obesity, creating a vicious cycle of poor health outcomes.

The impacts of child food poverty extend beyond physical health, severely affecting cognitive development and educational attainment. Adequate nutrition is crucial for brain development, particularly in the early years of life. Malnutrition can impair cognitive functions such as attention, memory, and problem-solving skills. Studies have consistently shown that malnourished children perform worse academically compared to their well-nourished peers. Inadequate nutrition during early childhood can lead to reduced school readiness and lower IQ scores. These children often struggle to concentrate in school, miss more days due to illness, and have lower overall academic performance. This educational disadvantage perpetuates the cycle of poverty, as lower educational attainment reduces future employment opportunities and earning potential.

The emotional and psychological effects of child food poverty are profound and are often overlooked. Food insecurity creates a constant state of stress and anxiety for both children and their families. The uncertainty of not knowing when or where the next meal will come from can lead to feelings of helplessness and despair. Children in food-insecure households are more likely to experience behavioural problems, including hyperactivity, aggression, and withdrawal. The stigma associated with poverty and hunger can further exacerbate these emotional challenges. Children who experience food poverty may feel shame and embarrassment, leading to social isolation and reduced self-esteem. This psychological toll can have lasting effects, contributing to mental health issues such as depression and anxiety in adolescence and adulthood.

Child food poverty also perpetuates cycles of poverty and inequality. Children who grow up in food-insecure households are more likely to remain in poverty as adults, continuing the intergenerational transmission of disadvantage. This cycle of poverty exacerbates social disparities, contributing to increased crime rates, reduced social cohesion, and greater reliance on social welfare programmes. The repercussions of child food poverty ripple through society, creating economic and social challenges that affect everyone. The healthcare costs associated with treating malnutrition-related illnesses and chronic diseases are substantial. Additionally, the educational deficits linked to child food poverty result in a less skilled workforce, which hampers economic growth and productivity.

Addressing child food poverty requires a multi-faceted approach that tackles both immediate needs and underlying causes. Policy interventions are crucial in ensuring that all children have access to adequate nutrition. This can include expanding social safety nets, such as food assistance programmes and school meal initiatives, as well as targeted manoeuvres to reach more vulnerable families. Ensuring that these programmes are adequately funded and effectively implemented is essential for their success.

In addition to direct food assistance, broader economic and social policies are needed to address the root causes of poverty. This includes efforts to increase household incomes through living wage policies, job training programs, and economic development initiatives. Supporting families with affordable childcare, healthcare, and housing can also alleviate some of the financial pressures that contribute to food insecurity.

Community-based initiatives play a vital role in combating child food poverty. Local food banks, community gardens, and nutrition education programmes can help provide immediate relief and promote long-term food security. Collaborative efforts between government, non-profits, and the private sector are necessary to create sustainable solutions.

Child food poverty is a profound and inescapable issue with far-reaching consequences. Its deleterious effects on physical health, cognitive development, emotional well-being, and societal stability underscore the urgent need for comprehensive action. As we strive for a more equitable and just world, addressing child food poverty must be a priority. By ensuring that all children have access to adequate nutrition, we can lay the foundation for a healthier, more prosperous future for individuals and society as a whole. The fight against child food poverty is not just a moral imperative but an investment in our collective future. Healthy, well-nourished children are more likely to grow into productive, contributing members of society. The benefits of addressing this issue extend beyond individual well-being, enhancing economic stability and social harmony. It is incumbent upon us all to recognize and act upon the understanding that every child deserves the right to adequate nutrition and the opportunity to thrive.

Despite all of these existent challenges, it is very definitely possible to end child food poverty. The world needs targeted interventions to transform food, health, and social protection systems, and also take steps to strengthen data systems to track progress in reducing child food poverty. All these manoeuvres must comprise a concerted effort towards making nutritious and diverse diets accessible and affordable to all. We need to call for child food poverty reduction to be recognized as a metric of success towards achieving global and national nutrition and development goals.

Material from UNICEF reports and AI assistance are acknowledged.

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Opinion

Do opinion polls matter?

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By Dr Upul Wijayawardhana

The colossal failure of not a single opinion poll predicting accurately the result of the Indian parliamentary election, the greatest exercise in democracy in the world, raises the question whether the importance of opinion polls is vastly exaggerated. During elections two types of opinion polls are conducted; one based on intentions to vote, published during or before the campaign, often being not very accurate as these are subject to many variables but exit polls, done after the voting where a sample tally of how the voters actually voted, are mostly accurate. However, of the 15 exit polls published soon after all the votes were cast in the massive Indian election, 13 vastly overpredicted the number of seats Modi’s BJP led coalition NDA would obtain, some giving a figure as high as 400, the number Modi claimed he is aiming for. The other two polls grossly underestimated predicting a hung parliament. The actual result is that NDA passed the threshold of 272 comfortably, there being no landslide. BJP by itself was not able to cross the threshold, a significant setback for an overconfident Mody! Whether this would result in less excesses on the part of Modi, like Muslim-bashing, remains to be seen. Anyway, the statement issued by BJP that they would be investigating the reasons for failure rather than blaming the process speaks very highly of the maturity of the democratic process in India.

I was intrigued by this failure of opinion polls as this differs dramatically from opinion polls in the UK. I never failed to watch ‘Election night specials’ on BBC; as the Big Ben strikes ‘ten’ (In the UK polls close at 10pm} the anchor comes out with “Exit polls predict that …” and the actual outcome is often almost as predicted. However, many a time opinion polls conducted during the campaign have got the predictions wrong. There are many explanations for this.

An opinion poll is defined as a research survey of public opinion from a particular sample, the origin of which can be traced back to the 1824 US presidential election, when two local newspapers in North Carolina and Delaware predicted the victory of Andrew Jackson but the sample was local. First national survey was done in 1916 by the magazine, Literary Digest, partly for circulation-raising, by mailing millions of postcards and counting the returns. Of course, this was not very scientific though it accurately predicted the election of Woodrow Wilson.

Since then, opinion polls have grown in extent and complexity with scientific methodology improving the outcome of predictions not only in elections but also in market research. As a result, some of these organisations have become big businesses. For instance, YouGov, an internet-based organisation co-founded by the Iraqi-born British politician Nadim Zahawi, based in London had a revenue of 258 million GBP in 2023.

In Sri Lanka, opinion polls seem to be conducted by only one organisation which, by itself, is a disadvantage, as pooled data from surveys conducted by many are more likely to reflect the true situation. Irrespective of the degree of accuracy, politicians seem to be dependent on the available data which lend explanations to the behaviour of some.

The Institute for Health Policy’s (IHP) Sri Lanka Opinion Tracker Survey has been tracking the voting intentions for the likely candidates for the Presidential election. At one stage the NPP/JVP leader AKD was getting a figure over 50%. This together with some degree of international acceptance made the JVP behave as if they are already in power, leading to some incidents where their true colour was showing.

The comments made by a prominent member of the JVP who claimed that the JVP killed only the riff-raff, raised many questions, in addition to being a total insult to many innocents killed by them including my uncle. Do they have the authority to do so? Do extra-judicial killings continue to be JVP policy? Do they consider anyone who disagrees with them riff-raff? Will they kill them simply because they do not comply like one of my admired teachers, Dr Gladys Jayawardena who was considered riff-raff because she, as the Chairman of the State Pharmaceutical Corporation, arranged to buy drugs cheaper from India? Is it not the height of hypocrisy that AKD is now boasting of his ties to India?

Another big-wig comes with the grand idea of devolving law and order to village level. As stated very strongly, in the editorial “Pledges and reality” (The Island, 20 May) is this what they intend to do: Have JVP kangaroo-courts!

Perhaps, as a result of these incidents AKD’s ratings has dropped to 39%, according to the IHP survey done in April, and Sajith Premadasa’s ratings have increased gradually to match that. Whilst they are level pegging Ranil is far behind at 13%. Is this the reason why Ranil is getting his acolytes to propagate the idea that the best for the country is to extend his tenure by a referendum? He forced the postponement of Local Governments elections by refusing to release funds but he cannot do so for the presidential election for constitutional reasons. He is now looking for loopholes. Has he considered the distinct possibility that the referendum to extend the life of the presidency and the parliament if lost, would double the expenditure?

Unfortunately, this has been an exercise in futility and it would not be surprising if the next survey shows Ranil’s chances dropping even further! Perhaps, the best option available to Ranil is to retire gracefully, taking credit for steadying the economy and saving the country from an anarchic invasion of the parliament, rather than to leave politics in disgrace by coming third in the presidential election. Unless, of course, he is convinced that opinion polls do not matter and what matters is the ballots in the box!

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Opinion

Thoughtfulness or mindfulness?

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By Prof. Kirthi Tennakone
ktenna@yahoo.co.uk

Thoughtfulness is the quality of being conscious of issues that arise and considering action while seeking explanations. It facilitates finding solutions to problems and judging experiences.

Almost all human accomplishments are consequences of thoughtfulness.

Can you perform day-to-day work efficiently and effectively without being thoughtful? Obviously, no. Are there any major advancements attained without thought and contemplation? Not a single example!

Science and technology, art, music and literary compositions and religion stand conspicuously as products of thought.

Thought could have sinister motives and the only way to eliminate them is through thought itself. Thought could distinguish right from wrong.

Empathy, love, amusement, and expression of sorrow are reflections of thought.

Thought relieves worries by understanding or taking decisive action.

Despite the universal virtue of thoughtfulness, some advocate an idea termed mindfulness, claiming the benefits of nurturing this quality to shape mental wellbeing. The concept is defined as focusing attention to the present moment without judgment. A way of forgetting the worries and calming the mind – a form of meditation. A definition coined in the West to decouple the concept from religion. The attitude could have a temporary advantage as a method of softening negative feelings such as sorrow and anger. However, no man or woman can afford to be non-judgmental all the time. It is incompatible with indispensable thoughtfulness! What is the advantage of diverting attention to one thing without discernment during a few tens of minute’s meditation? The instructors of mindfulness meditation tell you to focus attention on trivial things. Whereas in thoughtfulness, you concentrate the mind on challenging issues. Sometimes arriving at groundbreaking scientific discoveries, solution of mathematical problems or the creation of masterpieces in engineering, art, or literature.

The concept of meditation and mindfulness originated in ancient India around 1000 BCE. Vedic ascetics believed the practice would lead to supernatural powers enabling disclosure of the truth. Failing to meet the said aspiration, notwithstanding so many stories in scripture, is discernable. Otherwise, the world would have been awakened to advancement by ancient Indians before the Greeks. The latter culture emphasized thoughtfulness!

In India, Buddha was the first to deviate from the Vedic philosophy. His teachers, Alara Kalama and Uddaka Ramaputra, were adherents of meditation. Unconvinced of their approach, Buddha concluded a thoughtful analysis of the actualities of life should be the path to realisation. However, in an environment dominated by Vedic tradition, meditation residually persisted when Buddha’s teachings transformed into a religion.

In the early 1970s, a few in the West picked up meditation and mindfulness. We Easterners, who criticize Western ideas all the time, got exalted after seeing something Eastern accepted in the Western circles. Thereafter, Easterners took up the subject more seriously, in the spirit of its definition in the West.

Today, mindfulness has become a marketable commodity – a thriving business spreading worldwide, fueled largely by advertising. There are practice centres, lessons onsite and online, and apps for purchase. Articles written by gurus of the field appear on the web.

What attracts people to mindfulness programmes? Many assume them being stressed and depressed needs to improve their mental capacity. In most instances, these are minor complaints and for understandable reasons, they do not seek mainstream medical interventions but go for exaggeratedly advertised alternatives. Mainstream medical treatments are based on rigorous science and spell out both the pros and cons of the procedure, avoiding overstatement. Whereas the alternative sector makes unsubstantiated claims about the efficacy and effectiveness of the treatment.

Advocates of mindfulness claim the benefits of their prescriptions have been proven scientifically. There are reports (mostly in open-access journals which charge a fee for publication) indicating that authors have found positive aspects of mindfulness or identified reasons correlating the efficacy of such activities. However, they rarely meet standards normally required for unequivocal acceptance. The gold standard of scientific scrutiny is the statistically significant reproducibility of claims.

If a mindfulness guru claims his prescription of meditation cures hypertension, he must record the blood pressure of participants before and after completion of the activity and show the blood pressure of a large percentage has stably dropped and repeat the experiment with different clients. He must also conduct sessions where he adopts another prescription (a placebo) under the same conditions and compares the results. This is not enough, he must request someone else to conduct sessions following his prescription, to rule out the influence of the personality of the instructor.

The laity unaware of the above rigid requirements, accede to purported claims of mindfulness proponents.

A few years ago, an article published and widely cited stated that the practice of mindfulness increases the gray matter density of the brain. A more recent study found there is no such correlation. Popular expositions on the subject do not refer to the latter report. Most mindfulness research published seems to have been conducted intending to prove the benefits of the practice. The hard science demands doing the opposite as well-experiments carried out intending to disprove the claims. You need to be skeptical until things are firmly established.

Despite many efforts diverted to disprove Einstein’s General Theory of Relativity, no contradictions have been found in vain to date, strengthening the validity of the theory. Regarding mindfulness, as it stands, benefits can neither be proved nor disproved, to the gold standard of scientific scrutiny.

Some schools in foreign lands have accommodated mindfulness training programs hoping to develop the mental facility of students and Sri Lanka plans to follow. However, studies also reveal these exercises are ineffective or do more harm than good. Have we investigated this issue before imitation?

Should we force our children to focus attention on one single goal without judgment, even for a moment?

Why not allow young minds to roam wild in their deepest imagination and build castles in the air and encourage them to turn these fantasies into realities by nurturing their thoughtfulness?

Be more thoughtful than mindful?

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