Features
THE PYRE OF EXTREMISM – THE LESSON OF SIALKOT
by Anura Gunasekera
Extremism is a virus. It spreads exponentially. In most societies extremism exists at the fringe but, often ignites the centre by appealing to commonly held shibboleths. Not infrequently, due to the indifference of liberals and moderates, public apathy, and both implicit and explicit political support when expedient, extremism drives the central narrative. The ugly reality is that the spread of extremist ideology is catalyzed by common cultural, religious and ethnic prejudices and other related fissures in multi-cultural and multi-ethnic societies. Extremism thrives in conditions of hatred, intolerance and suspicion. No society is free of these malignancies but in some societies they are more obvious and unapologetically expressed, at regular intervals. Often, extremism is conflated with religious doctrine, ethnic-tribal consciousness and related exclusivities, and then manipulated by unscrupulous politicians seeking power, mandates or an effective political lever. A superficial assessment of such incidents suggests that examples of extremism are more common in Asian and African countries than in other parts of the world.
The recent, gruesome public torture and murder of Sri Lankan Priyantha Diyawadana in Sialkot, Pakistan, was a tragic example of extremism, in a country in which the public narrative is often quite openly driven by extremist ideology. Apologists may posit that it is unfair to judge a nation by one tragic incident but that contention has to be viewed in perspective. The Pakistan Penal Code, the country’s main criminal code, penalizes blasphemy against any recognized religion, with penalties ranging from fines to the death sentence. However, there are no published statistics to indicate whether this law has been invoked in the case of alleged blasphemy against any creed, other than Islam. Whilst it is unclear whether any person found guilty of blasphemy has been judicially executed, between 1987 and 2017, over 75 people so accused are reported to have been murdered by vigilante squads. That apart, lawyers representing those accused of blasphemy and those speaking against the severity of the blasphemy laws have also been victimized.
Two infamous examples of the above merit mention. In 2009 Aasia Bibi, a Christian low-caste woman in a small village in the Punjab, was attacked by fellow women of her village for drinking water at a village well, from a cup that did not belong to her; Aasia, a Christian had used an utensil reserved for Muslims. This act, which supposedly rendered the water ” Haram” ( forbidden) and the ensuing quarrel led to Ms Bibi being convicted of blasphemy and sentenced to death. After years of incarceration she was finally freed and permitted to emigrate to Canada, a rare happy ending in cases of the kind. However, two of her supporters, politician Shabaiz Bhatti and Governor of the Punjab, Salman Taseer were less fortunate, paying with their lives for their championship of Aasia’s cause, both being assassinated, the latter by a member of his own security.
In 2017 Mashal Khan, a 23 year old Muslim student of the Abdul Wali Khan University, was beaten and shot to death by his fellow students, for alleged blasphemy.
Pakistan- officially the “Islamic Republic of Pakistan”- is a country birthed in the illiberal concept of an insular Islamic state, in response to the demand of Islamic nationalists as articulated by the All India Muslim League led by Mohammed Ali Jinnah. What followed, in the partition of British India in 1947, was a chaotic population transfer between the land declared as Pakistan and the nascent State of Independent India, a process accompanied by about two million deaths resulting from religious differentiation- Hindu versus Muslim. Since its violent birth two motifs have defined the central narrative of Pakistan; the position of Islam as the religion of the State, overriding all other relevancies, and its paranoia of India. The result has been the regressive Islamization of the country’s political discourse, its laws, educational curricula and the conditioning of general societal attitudes; in totality an ideal nursery for radicalism and extremism.
Hussain Haqqani, former Pakistan ambassador to both USA and Sri Lanka, and scholar at Hudson Institute, Washington, has quite categorically declared that the Pakistan state has empowered and indulged extremists for years, perpetuating violence in the name of religion, instead of protecting its victims.
Pakistan Prime Minister, Imran Khan was quick to vehemently denounce the killing of Priyantha, conferring one of the country’s highest bravery awards on Malik Adnan, a work colleague of the victim who had tried to prevent the assault. Over 200 of the alleged attackers have been arrested. However, Khan’s Minister of Defence, Pervez Khattak, has trivialized the incident, suggesting that ” murders can happen when youngsters get emotional”, a “boys-will-be-boys” kind of equivalence, absolutely unforgivable under the circumstances. Khan’s government had also recently lifted the ban on the Tehreek-e- Labbaik Pakistan( TLP), the extremist organization linked to the outrage. Therein lies the ambivalence of the Pakistani State towards extremism; as defined by Haqqani, a clear case of running with the hare and hunting with the hounds, a stratagem both overtly and covertly emulated by every single regime in Pakistan since Ayub Khan.
The Sialkot tragedy comes with a message, that the dynamic of extremism unleashed by a small minority can engulf the majority in the flames that it ignites. Whilst we condemn Pervez Khattak for his attempt to justify the murder of Priyantha by Islamic extremists, let us not forget the observation- “the justifiable anger of the Sinhalese”- of J.R. Jayewardene, a former president of this country, rationalizing the destruction visited on the Tamil communities of this country in July 1983 by largely Sinhala-Buddhist mobs. Whilst we condemn the horrific manner of the killing of Priyantha in Sialkot, let us not forget the many innocent, helpless, living Tamils who were consigned to similar funeral pyres in Colombo and its suburbs in July 1983. They were not killed for blasphemy, or for any other real or imagined crime, but simply because they spoke a different tongue and worshipped different gods. Whilst justifiably condemning the dreadful murder of Priyantha by a group of Pakistani citizens, we Sri Lankans, as a nation, are in no position to occupy moral high ground.
In more recent times in Sri Lanka we have the real life scenarios of anti-Muslim violence, reportedly orchestrated by the ” Mahason Balakaya”, and the “Bodu Bala Sena”, the latter led by Galabodaatthe Gnanasara, Buddhist priest-cum-felon, recently appointed by president Gotabhaya Rajapakse as chairman of the “One Country, One Law” task force. The absurdity, the irrationality of that appointment defies logic, unless examined in the context of a devious mind in which logic is conditioned by the conviction of Sinhala-Buddhist hegemony. Viewed in that background, the appointment seems designed to provide an ecclesiastical counter to Cardinal Malcom Ranjith, who has been vociferous in his quest of closure for the Catholic dead of the Easter Sunday bombings.
Commencing with the attack on the “Fashion Bug” emporium in Nugegoda in February 2013, the destruction in Aluthgama in June 2014, and continuing with the violence of Gintota in November 2017, Ampara in February 2018 and Digana/Teldeniya in March 2018, we have a seen a series of well orchestrated assaults on Muslim people, establishments and property. In most of these events the active participation of Buddhist priests and the involvement of the above mentioned exclusivist organizations have been reported. In the aftermath of the Easter Sunday carnage of April 2019, there were similar attacks on Muslims and related establishments in several districts. In many of these incidents Buddhist priests, some named, others unidentified, are reported to have taken part. However, there has been no official investigation of such allegations. There is also the allegation that in all of the incidents described above, that the Police did not take timely action to prevent the escalation of the violence and the destruction.
What is evident is a scary similarity, between the lukewarm official response to the intermittent anti-Tamil pogroms , commencing in the aftermath of the enactment of the Sinhala Only Official Languages Act in 1956 and culminating with the atrocities of 1983, and the anti-Muslim actions of the last decade. Absence of a pro-active response by law enforcement in the face of racially motivated criminal violence implies complicity. When such violence is preceded by hate speech delivered by men in yellow robes, and justified by the same individuals after the events, there is no alternative to the presumption of extremism embedded in religion. When men in yellow robes are accorded a veneration not merited by their conduct, and when such individuals are seen as immune to the normal law of the land, what results is an unacceptable social, moral and legal disequilibrium.
In Pakistan and elsewhere, extremism driven by the distortion of the tenets of Islam will continue, despite both internal and international condemnation, as long as the law of the land permits religious dogma to override civil law, acceptance of diversity and tolerant interaction. It will continue as long as political leaders permit themselves to be dictated to by religious leaders or religious extremists. It will be no different in any other country in similar circumstances, whether the majority religion is Buddhism or Christianity or any other creed. That is what we in Sri Lanka need to guard against. Religion and politics makes for a toxic brew. Religion and government are two isolated propositions and cannot merge comfortably within governance.
The example of the influence of theocracy in governance as seen in Iran, and the power of fundamentalism demonstrated in Afghanistan, are convincing paradigms of the incompatibility of democratic principles, equality of sexes and tolerance of diversity within such regimes. In Sri Lanka, over the years, we have witnessed the many tragic consequences of the lack of tolerance between the majority ethno-religious group and the minorities. Despite assurances for reconciliation and consensus given by our leaders, both within the country and internationally, our minority communities continue to protest against marginalization. Whilst making allowances for the often unrealistic expectations of small minorities living alongside large majorities, it is still not an imagined grievance but a response to extremist and intolerant thinking. It is a great pity that the latter should be conflated with the Sinhala-Buddhist mindset but that is also the reality.
Radical, extremist thinking demands the invention of enemies to reinforce its radical mandate. In Sri Lanka, with the suppression of the Tamil-LTTE military threat, Muslims have been catapulted to that empty space. This writer has said it before and would say it again. Retaliation from Islamic extremists will be a war without boundaries and a war we will never win. Examples, worldwide, are too numerous to merit mention. The Easter Sunday carnage may have been the beginning of that unwinnable contest in Sri Lanka.
by Dr Gotabhya Ranasinghe
Senior Consultant Cardiologist
National Hospital Sri Lanka
When we sought a meeting with Hon Dr. Ramesh Pathirana, Minister of Health, he graciously cleared his busy schedule to accommodate us. Renowned for his attentive listening and deep understanding, Minister Pathirana is dedicated to advancing the health sector. His openness and transparency exemplify the qualities of an exemplary politician and minister.
Dr. Palitha Mahipala, the current Health Secretary, demonstrates both commendable enthusiasm and unwavering support. This combination of attributes makes him a highly compatible colleague for the esteemed Minister of Health.
Our discussion centered on a project that has been in the works for the past 30 years, one that no other minister had managed to advance.
Minister Pathirana, however, recognized the project’s significance and its potential to revolutionize care for heart patients.
The project involves the construction of a state-of-the-art facility at the premises of the National Hospital Colombo. The project’s location within the premises of the National Hospital underscores its importance and relevance to the healthcare infrastructure of the nation.
This facility will include a cardiology building and a tertiary care center, equipped with the latest technology to handle and treat all types of heart-related conditions and surgeries.
Securing funding was a major milestone for this initiative. Minister Pathirana successfully obtained approval for a $40 billion loan from the Asian Development Bank. With the funding in place, the foundation stone is scheduled to be laid in September this year, and construction will begin in January 2025.
This project guarantees a consistent and uninterrupted supply of stents and related medications for heart patients. As a result, patients will have timely access to essential medical supplies during their treatment and recovery. By securing these critical resources, the project aims to enhance patient outcomes, minimize treatment delays, and maintain the highest standards of cardiac care.
Upon its fruition, this monumental building will serve as a beacon of hope and healing, symbolizing the unwavering dedication to improving patient outcomes and fostering a healthier society.We anticipate a future marked by significant progress and positive outcomes in Sri Lanka’s cardiovascular treatment landscape within the foreseeable timeframe.
by Fr. Emmanuel Fernando, OMI
Jesuit Fr. Aloysius Pieris (affectionately called Fr. Aloy) celebrated his 90th birthday on April 9, 2024 and I, as the editor of our Oblate Journal, THE MISSIONARY OBLATE had gone to press by that time. Immediately I decided to publish an article, appreciating the untiring selfless services he continues to offer for inter-Faith dialogue, the renewal of the Catholic Church, his concern for the poor and the suffering Sri Lankan masses and to me, the present writer.
It was in 1988, when I was appointed Director of the Oblate Scholastics at Ampitiya by the then Oblate Provincial Fr. Anselm Silva, that I came to know Fr. Aloy more closely. Knowing well his expertise in matters spiritual, theological, Indological and pastoral, and with the collaborative spirit of my companion-formators, our Oblate Scholastics were sent to Tulana, the Research and Encounter Centre, Kelaniya, of which he is the Founder-Director, for ‘exposure-programmes’ on matters spiritual, biblical, theological and pastoral. Some of these dimensions according to my view and that of my companion-formators, were not available at the National Seminary, Ampitiya.
Ever since that time, our Oblate formators/ accompaniers at the Oblate Scholasticate, Ampitiya , have continued to send our Oblate Scholastics to Tulana Centre for deepening their insights and convictions regarding matters needed to serve the people in today’s context. Fr. Aloy also had tried very enthusiastically with the Oblate team headed by Frs. Oswald Firth and Clement Waidyasekara to begin a Theologate, directed by the Religious Congregations in Sri Lanka, for the contextual formation/ accompaniment of their members. It should very well be a desired goal of the Leaders / Provincials of the Religious Congregations.
Besides being a formator/accompanier at the Oblate Scholasticate, I was entrusted also with the task of editing and publishing our Oblate journal, ‘The Missionary Oblate’. To maintain the quality of the journal I continue to depend on Fr. Aloy for his thought-provoking and stimulating articles on Biblical Spirituality, Biblical Theology and Ecclesiology. I am very grateful to him for his generous assistance. Of late, his writings on renewal of the Church, initiated by Pope St. John XX111 and continued by Pope Francis through the Synodal path, published in our Oblate journal, enable our readers to focus their attention also on the needed renewal in the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka. Fr. Aloy appreciated very much the Synodal path adopted by the Jesuit Pope Francis for the renewal of the Church, rooted very much on prayerful discernment. In my Religious and presbyteral life, Fr.Aloy continues to be my spiritual animator / guide and ongoing formator / acccompanier.
Fr. Aloysius Pieris, BA Hons (Lond), LPh (SHC, India), STL (PFT, Naples), PhD (SLU/VC), ThD (Tilburg), D.Ltt (KU), has been one of the eminent Asian theologians well recognized internationally and one who has lectured and held visiting chairs in many universities both in the West and in the East. Many members of Religious Congregations from Asian countries have benefited from his lectures and guidance in the East Asian Pastoral Institute (EAPI) in Manila, Philippines. He had been a Theologian consulted by the Federation of Asian Bishops’ Conferences for many years. During his professorship at the Gregorian University in Rome, he was called to be a member of a special group of advisers on other religions consulted by Pope Paul VI.
Fr. Aloy is the author of more than 30 books and well over 500 Research Papers. Some of his books and articles have been translated and published in several countries. Among those books, one can find the following: 1) The Genesis of an Asian Theology of Liberation (An Autobiographical Excursus on the Art of Theologising in Asia, 2) An Asian Theology of Liberation, 3) Providential Timeliness of Vatican 11 (a long-overdue halt to a scandalous millennium, 4) Give Vatican 11 a chance, 5) Leadership in the Church, 6) Relishing our faith in working for justice (Themes for study and discussion), 7) A Message meant mainly, not exclusively for Jesuits (Background information necessary for helping Francis renew the Church), 8) Lent in Lanka (Reflections and Resolutions, 9) Love meets wisdom (A Christian Experience of Buddhism, 10) Fire and Water 11) God’s Reign for God’s poor, 12) Our Unhiddden Agenda (How we Jesuits work, pray and form our men). He is also the Editor of two journals, Vagdevi, Journal of Religious Reflection and Dialogue, New Series.
Fr. Aloy has a BA in Pali and Sanskrit from the University of London and a Ph.D in Buddhist Philosophy from the University of Sri Lankan, Vidyodaya Campus. On Nov. 23, 2019, he was awarded the prestigious honorary Doctorate of Literature (D.Litt) by the Chancellor of the University of Kelaniya, the Most Venerable Welamitiyawe Dharmakirthi Sri Kusala Dhamma Thera.
Fr. Aloy continues to be a promoter of Gospel values and virtues. Justice as a constitutive dimension of love and social concern for the downtrodden masses are very much noted in his life and work. He had very much appreciated the commitment of the late Fr. Joseph (Joe) Fernando, the National Director of the Social and Economic Centre (SEDEC) for the poor.
In Sri Lanka, a few religious Congregations – the Good Shepherd Sisters, the Christian Brothers, the Marist Brothers and the Oblates – have invited him to animate their members especially during their Provincial Congresses, Chapters and International Conferences. The mainline Christian Churches also have sought his advice and followed his seminars. I, for one, regret very much, that the Sri Lankan authorities of the Catholic Church –today’s Hierarchy—- have not sought Fr.
Aloy’s expertise for the renewal of the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka and thus have not benefited from the immense store of wisdom and insight that he can offer to our local Church while the Sri Lankan bishops who governed the Catholic church in the immediate aftermath of the Second Vatican Council (Edmund Fernando OMI, Anthony de Saram, Leo Nanayakkara OSB, Frank Marcus Fernando, Paul Perera,) visited him and consulted him on many matters. Among the Tamil Bishops, Bishop Rayappu Joseph was keeping close contact with him and Bishop J. Deogupillai hosted him and his team visiting him after the horrible Black July massacre of Tamils.
Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement
By Gomi Senadhira
senadhiragomi@gmail.com
“You might tell fairy tales, but the progress of a country cannot be achieved through such narratives. A country cannot be developed by making false promises. The country moved backward because of the electoral promises made by political parties throughout time. We have witnessed that the ultimate result of this is the country becoming bankrupt. Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet.” – President Ranil Wickremesinghe, 2024 Budget speech
Any Sri Lankan would agree with the above words of President Wickremesinghe on the false promises our politicians and officials make and the fairy tales they narrate which bankrupted this country. So, to understand this, let’s look at one such fairy tale with lots of false promises; Ranil Wickremesinghe’s greatest achievement in the area of international trade and investment promotion during the Yahapalana period, Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement (SLSFTA).
It is appropriate and timely to do it now as Finance Minister Wickremesinghe has just presented to parliament a bill on the National Policy on Economic Transformation which includes the establishment of an Office for International Trade and the Sri Lanka Institute of Economics and International Trade.
Was SLSFTA a “Cleverly negotiated Free Trade Agreement” as stated by the (former) Minister of Development Strategies and International Trade Malik Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate on the SLSFTA in July 2018, or a colossal blunder covered up with lies, false promises, and fairy tales? After SLSFTA was signed there were a number of fairy tales published on this agreement by the Ministry of Development Strategies and International, Institute of Policy Studies, and others.
However, for this article, I would like to limit my comments to the speech by Minister Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate, and the two most important areas in the agreement which were covered up with lies, fairy tales, and false promises, namely: revenue loss for Sri Lanka and Investment from Singapore. On the other important area, “Waste products dumping” I do not want to comment here as I have written extensively on the issue.
1. The revenue loss
During the Parliamentary Debate in July 2018, Minister Samarawickrama stated “…. let me reiterate that this FTA with Singapore has been very cleverly negotiated by us…. The liberalisation programme under this FTA has been carefully designed to have the least impact on domestic industry and revenue collection. We have included all revenue sensitive items in the negative list of items which will not be subject to removal of tariff. Therefore, 97.8% revenue from Customs duty is protected. Our tariff liberalisation will take place over a period of 12-15 years! In fact, the revenue earned through tariffs on goods imported from Singapore last year was Rs. 35 billion.
The revenue loss for over the next 15 years due to the FTA is only Rs. 733 million– which when annualised, on average, is just Rs. 51 million. That is just 0.14% per year! So anyone who claims the Singapore FTA causes revenue loss to the Government cannot do basic arithmetic! Mr. Speaker, in conclusion, I call on my fellow members of this House – don’t mislead the public with baseless criticism that is not grounded in facts. Don’t look at petty politics and use these issues for your own political survival.”
I was surprised to read the minister’s speech because an article published in January 2018 in “The Straits Times“, based on information released by the Singaporean Negotiators stated, “…. With the FTA, tariff savings for Singapore exports are estimated to hit $10 million annually“.
As the annual tariff savings (that is the revenue loss for Sri Lanka) calculated by the Singaporean Negotiators, Singaporean $ 10 million (Sri Lankan rupees 1,200 million in 2018) was way above the rupees’ 733 million revenue loss for 15 years estimated by the Sri Lankan negotiators, it was clear to any observer that one of the parties to the agreement had not done the basic arithmetic!
Six years later, according to a report published by “The Morning” newspaper, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) on 7th May 2024, Mr Samarawickrama’s chief trade negotiator K.J. Weerasinghehad had admitted “…. that forecasted revenue loss for the Government of Sri Lanka through the Singapore FTA is Rs. 450 million in 2023 and Rs. 1.3 billion in 2024.”
If these numbers are correct, as tariff liberalisation under the SLSFTA has just started, we will pass Rs 2 billion very soon. Then, the question is how Sri Lanka’s trade negotiators made such a colossal blunder. Didn’t they do their basic arithmetic? If they didn’t know how to do basic arithmetic they should have at least done their basic readings. For example, the headline of the article published in The Straits Times in January 2018 was “Singapore, Sri Lanka sign FTA, annual savings of $10m expected”.
Anyway, as Sri Lanka’s chief negotiator reiterated at the COPF meeting that “…. since 99% of the tariffs in Singapore have zero rates of duty, Sri Lanka has agreed on 80% tariff liberalisation over a period of 15 years while expecting Singapore investments to address the imbalance in trade,” let’s turn towards investment.
Investment from Singapore
In July 2018, speaking during the Parliamentary Debate on the FTA this is what Minister Malik Samarawickrama stated on investment from Singapore, “Already, thanks to this FTA, in just the past two-and-a-half months since the agreement came into effect we have received a proposal from Singapore for investment amounting to $ 14.8 billion in an oil refinery for export of petroleum products. In addition, we have proposals for a steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million), sugar refinery ($ 200 million). This adds up to more than $ 16.05 billion in the pipeline on these projects alone.
And all of these projects will create thousands of more jobs for our people. In principle approval has already been granted by the BOI and the investors are awaiting the release of land the environmental approvals to commence the project.
I request the Opposition and those with vested interests to change their narrow-minded thinking and join us to develop our country. We must always look at what is best for the whole community, not just the few who may oppose. We owe it to our people to courageously take decisions that will change their lives for the better.”
According to the media report I quoted earlier, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) Chief Negotiator Weerasinghe has admitted that Sri Lanka was not happy with overall Singapore investments that have come in the past few years in return for the trade liberalisation under the Singapore-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement. He has added that between 2021 and 2023 the total investment from Singapore had been around $162 million!
What happened to those projects worth $16 billion negotiated, thanks to the SLSFTA, in just the two-and-a-half months after the agreement came into effect and approved by the BOI? I do not know about the steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million) and sugar refinery ($ 200 million).
However, story of the multibillion-dollar investment in the Petroleum Refinery unfolded in a manner that would qualify it as the best fairy tale with false promises presented by our politicians and the officials, prior to 2019 elections.
Though many Sri Lankans got to know, through the media which repeatedly highlighted a plethora of issues surrounding the project and the questionable credentials of the Singaporean investor, the construction work on the Mirrijiwela Oil Refinery along with the cement factory began on the24th of March 2019 with a bang and Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and his ministers along with the foreign and local dignitaries laid the foundation stones.
That was few months before the 2019 Presidential elections. Inaugurating the construction work Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe said the projects will create thousands of job opportunities in the area and surrounding districts.
The oil refinery, which was to be built over 200 acres of land, with the capacity to refine 200,000 barrels of crude oil per day, was to generate US$7 billion of exports and create 1,500 direct and 3,000 indirect jobs. The construction of the refinery was to be completed in 44 months. Four years later, in August 2023 the Cabinet of Ministers approved the proposal presented by President Ranil Wickremesinghe to cancel the agreement with the investors of the refinery as the project has not been implemented! Can they explain to the country how much money was wasted to produce that fairy tale?
It is obvious that the President, ministers, and officials had made huge blunders and had deliberately misled the public and the parliament on the revenue loss and potential investment from SLSFTA with fairy tales and false promises.
As the president himself said, a country cannot be developed by making false promises or with fairy tales and these false promises and fairy tales had bankrupted the country. “Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet”.
(The writer, a specialist and an activist on trade and development issues . )
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