Features
The jvp and the Tamil people change the party line now!
by Kumar David
The JVP must change its position on the rights of the Tamil people. The Tamils are themselves no longer demanding secession therefore, self-determination in the Leninist sense, is irrelevant, but the they must have the right to manage their affairs in their areas of domicile. In this context “devolution” is a useful term; the small print obviously has to be negotiated with the Sinhalese and the Muslim people and the Upcountry Tamils to the extent that they see themselves as different from the “Ceylon Tamils” (for want of a better term). Even the TNA has conjured up a verbal gymnastic posture called the “right to internal self-determination” to avoid being lynched by both sides. I wish it luck.
Hold it! I am running ahead of myself. It all started with a straw poll I sent to more than a dozen people about ten days ago. They were not all leftists and included progressives and liberals, but all were what one might call intellectuals and included former university colleagues. I don’t know what motivated me to do this out of the blue. I enquired of my sample “If the next presidential election were to be held in 2023/4, and if not voting was not permitted in so far as this straw-poll is concerned, who will you vote for?”I offered a big range of choices: Sajith, Ranil, the Sajith-Ranil combo in any form, and Rajapaksa-pohottuwa options in many forms (Dullas, Namal etc.) and the Rajapaksa-Ranil marriage of reprobates. Of course, the left options were included such as the JVP-NPP and the Frontline Socialist Party (FSP) also known as Peratugami.
Imagine my surprise (I am not making this up because I am an NPP member) when well over half replied that they would support the JVP-NPP, while nearly all the others said they had the JVP-NPP very much in in their sights but needed more time. While some respondents thought the JVP/NPP could not win, no one explicitly expressed their own support for any of the other options. This was a wake-up call, frankly an unpleasant wake-up call for me. Why unpleasant? Because if the JVP-NPP is going to do well then there is work, a lot intervention and kicking arse that needs to be done to knock sense into these fellows! You don’t want a JVP-NPP government in office with cock and bull notions full of its head, do you? If they are going to win you and I and all us have a hell of a lot of work to do before that.
There are three massive issues on which the JVP must be confronted and put right: one, Democracy, two the Tamil Question, and third the Economic role of the State. The JVP is humming and hawing about Democracy, it hints that it has finally seen the light, it slyly concedes that it was a bloody fool in 1971 and 1989-91 and forfeited the confidence of the people etc; good, good. However, it has not issued a full and formal admission of its errors, nor has it spelt out its current “Democracy” programme: That is, its plans for elections and future changes of government. Crucially it has not proposed a structure of government e.g. (a) Westminster, (b) Executive, (c) Legislative like the old Ceylon State Council or similar to the vast powers of the US Congress, or (d) the One-Party state. It is high time the JVP thought through the options available all over the world and publicised its views.
The second “massive” issue that the JVP has to address is the subject of this essay, the Tamil Question which will take up most of this column. The third is the economic role of the State. I have often expressed the view that in the early stage a dirigisme state (setting directions and choosing priorities for growth) is a necessity. However, I have also pointed out in recent pieces that this is a passing phase. The state must not become an enduring encumbrance on the people (like Stalinism). It must pass away, otherwise it constrains human freedoms, stifles creativity and undermines economic productivity. The state must “wither away” to use the classical terminology of anarchists and socialists. Right now, the JVP is rightly concerned about safeguarding sate-enterprises from privatisation and fears that encroaching capitalism will reduce worker’s rights and the benefits of the people. In a philosophical sense however it would also be good if the JVP, like the anarchists, Marx, Lenin and Rosa also declares the need to protect the people from an overreaching dictatorial state. To recap then, I am saying there are three “massive” topics to discuss with the JVP: Democracy, the Tamil question and fundamental role of the State.
The Tamil Question
Observe that I speak of the Tamil Question and do not mention a Muslim or a Catholic Question. There is a reason for this. Imagine for arguments sake that some Pope or Saint, some centuries ago had proposed a damn-fool moral theory (it actually did with Galileo). Then in later historical times this becomes an encumbrance because to refute it the Church will have to anger many believers who have in the interim aligned themselves with the said damn-fool theory.
The JVP is in a similar quandary. The leadership, or at least most of the current leaders know that Rohana Wijeweera was a racist in his feelings about the plantation workers, he had no sympathy for the rights of the “Ceylon” Tamils and he formed racist alliances with Mahinda Rajapaksa. It will be traumatic for the inner circles (Central Committee and ex-military leaders) to wake up now and call Wijeweera a damn-fool racist. The obstacle to correcting the inherited standpoint on the Tamil question is the embarrassment of having to call Wijeweera plain wrong. The problem does not end there, we have the Somawansa episode. Somawansa in cohorts with racist Chief Justice Silva broke up the combined northern-eastern provincial unit. Somawansa may or may not be an intrinsic racist at heart, he may have been playing opportunist race politics, I don’t know. But the episode is an acute embarrassment to the current leadership. How can it denounce these deified Saints and Popes?
Anura Kumara in bad company!
It is very interesting that the JVP adopted a progressive attitude towards the Muslims as against its stance on the Tamils. Saint Wijeweera and Pope Somawansa were long gone and no longer burdened the Party with their venerable bull-shit. The JVP could stretch its arms and legs (atha-paya diga arala) and act progressively on the Muslim issue. The humiliation and ill-treatment of Muslims by looney extremist Buddhist monks and the Rajapaksa regime was mainly a post-2014 phenomenon (Wijeweera was assassinated in 1989, Somawansa left the JVP in 2014 but was marginalised earlier).
It is not for me to propose tactics to the JVP leaders; they will work something out themselves. Some points though are obvious. The Tamils themselves are not (no longer) demanding Eelam or a separate state. The great majority, I think are simply not interested in separatism or dismiss it as an unattainable fanciful dream. Therefore, the theory of self-determination including the right to secession is no longer relevant.
The NPP (National Peoples’ Power)
Perspectives on the Tamil Question and the Democracy Issue are better in the NPP than in the JVP. This is thanks to the intervention of Attorney Lal Wijenayaka, Professor Vijaya Kumar, both long established in the Samasamaja tradition, as well as many other left and liberal minded activists in the NPP’s top committees. I am confident that the NPP supports devolution of power to communities and regions and is well ahead of the JVP in this respect. The NPP also has clearer ideas about democracy. Like the JVP it rejects the executive led presidential system, option (b) in my list some paragraphs above, and both the NPP and presumably the JVP oppose option (d), the One-Party State.
Neither has spelt out its preferences between various versions of the Westminster model, first-past-the-post or proportional representation, or between unicameral or bicameral legislatures. Nor has either proposed committee structures (the Ceylon Legislative Council of yore had some attractive features) or examined the committee structure of the US Congress and other countries. So, you see there is still a lot of work to do in both the JVP and the NPP to flesh out how Democracy is actually to be practised.
The State
Humans lived in communities without formal hierarchies long before States came into being. The original ‘stateless’ form was democratic in the sense that it was an association of humans with minimal hierarchy – anthropologists can enlighten us more. Formal anarchism usually associated with Marx’s great rival Mikhail Bakunin advocates stateless societies, that is forms of free associations. Socialists see anarchism as a utopian left-wing movement farthest left on the political spectrum, but running ahead of its time. Marxists have a relationship with anarchism similar to what St Augustine said about chastity: “Oh Lord give me chastity, but not yet”.
The state is bad; it is a coercive instrument; it is an imposition (for example of the capitalist class, the fascists or a foreign power) upon the freedoms of the people. But right now, I am intrigued by a more prosaic topic. The dirigisme or directive state has a role to play in the initial stages of economic growth, but there has to be a time-line when that phase can be transcended; when the impositions can pass. In the meantime, there is the JVP’s current problem of the need to protect state enterprises from being handed over to capital. There are no abstract answers to these questions, it is concrete events and the hands-on experiences of the next three years that will tell us what to do and when to do what. In the meantime it would be useful to initiate discussion of these topics in the chambers of the JVP with its more indigenous factions and with the residual military sections if any in the Party.
by Dr Gotabhya Ranasinghe
Senior Consultant Cardiologist
National Hospital Sri Lanka
When we sought a meeting with Hon Dr. Ramesh Pathirana, Minister of Health, he graciously cleared his busy schedule to accommodate us. Renowned for his attentive listening and deep understanding, Minister Pathirana is dedicated to advancing the health sector. His openness and transparency exemplify the qualities of an exemplary politician and minister.
Dr. Palitha Mahipala, the current Health Secretary, demonstrates both commendable enthusiasm and unwavering support. This combination of attributes makes him a highly compatible colleague for the esteemed Minister of Health.
Our discussion centered on a project that has been in the works for the past 30 years, one that no other minister had managed to advance.
Minister Pathirana, however, recognized the project’s significance and its potential to revolutionize care for heart patients.
The project involves the construction of a state-of-the-art facility at the premises of the National Hospital Colombo. The project’s location within the premises of the National Hospital underscores its importance and relevance to the healthcare infrastructure of the nation.
This facility will include a cardiology building and a tertiary care center, equipped with the latest technology to handle and treat all types of heart-related conditions and surgeries.
Securing funding was a major milestone for this initiative. Minister Pathirana successfully obtained approval for a $40 billion loan from the Asian Development Bank. With the funding in place, the foundation stone is scheduled to be laid in September this year, and construction will begin in January 2025.
This project guarantees a consistent and uninterrupted supply of stents and related medications for heart patients. As a result, patients will have timely access to essential medical supplies during their treatment and recovery. By securing these critical resources, the project aims to enhance patient outcomes, minimize treatment delays, and maintain the highest standards of cardiac care.
Upon its fruition, this monumental building will serve as a beacon of hope and healing, symbolizing the unwavering dedication to improving patient outcomes and fostering a healthier society.We anticipate a future marked by significant progress and positive outcomes in Sri Lanka’s cardiovascular treatment landscape within the foreseeable timeframe.
by Fr. Emmanuel Fernando, OMI
Jesuit Fr. Aloysius Pieris (affectionately called Fr. Aloy) celebrated his 90th birthday on April 9, 2024 and I, as the editor of our Oblate Journal, THE MISSIONARY OBLATE had gone to press by that time. Immediately I decided to publish an article, appreciating the untiring selfless services he continues to offer for inter-Faith dialogue, the renewal of the Catholic Church, his concern for the poor and the suffering Sri Lankan masses and to me, the present writer.
It was in 1988, when I was appointed Director of the Oblate Scholastics at Ampitiya by the then Oblate Provincial Fr. Anselm Silva, that I came to know Fr. Aloy more closely. Knowing well his expertise in matters spiritual, theological, Indological and pastoral, and with the collaborative spirit of my companion-formators, our Oblate Scholastics were sent to Tulana, the Research and Encounter Centre, Kelaniya, of which he is the Founder-Director, for ‘exposure-programmes’ on matters spiritual, biblical, theological and pastoral. Some of these dimensions according to my view and that of my companion-formators, were not available at the National Seminary, Ampitiya.
Ever since that time, our Oblate formators/ accompaniers at the Oblate Scholasticate, Ampitiya , have continued to send our Oblate Scholastics to Tulana Centre for deepening their insights and convictions regarding matters needed to serve the people in today’s context. Fr. Aloy also had tried very enthusiastically with the Oblate team headed by Frs. Oswald Firth and Clement Waidyasekara to begin a Theologate, directed by the Religious Congregations in Sri Lanka, for the contextual formation/ accompaniment of their members. It should very well be a desired goal of the Leaders / Provincials of the Religious Congregations.
Besides being a formator/accompanier at the Oblate Scholasticate, I was entrusted also with the task of editing and publishing our Oblate journal, ‘The Missionary Oblate’. To maintain the quality of the journal I continue to depend on Fr. Aloy for his thought-provoking and stimulating articles on Biblical Spirituality, Biblical Theology and Ecclesiology. I am very grateful to him for his generous assistance. Of late, his writings on renewal of the Church, initiated by Pope St. John XX111 and continued by Pope Francis through the Synodal path, published in our Oblate journal, enable our readers to focus their attention also on the needed renewal in the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka. Fr. Aloy appreciated very much the Synodal path adopted by the Jesuit Pope Francis for the renewal of the Church, rooted very much on prayerful discernment. In my Religious and presbyteral life, Fr.Aloy continues to be my spiritual animator / guide and ongoing formator / acccompanier.
Fr. Aloysius Pieris, BA Hons (Lond), LPh (SHC, India), STL (PFT, Naples), PhD (SLU/VC), ThD (Tilburg), D.Ltt (KU), has been one of the eminent Asian theologians well recognized internationally and one who has lectured and held visiting chairs in many universities both in the West and in the East. Many members of Religious Congregations from Asian countries have benefited from his lectures and guidance in the East Asian Pastoral Institute (EAPI) in Manila, Philippines. He had been a Theologian consulted by the Federation of Asian Bishops’ Conferences for many years. During his professorship at the Gregorian University in Rome, he was called to be a member of a special group of advisers on other religions consulted by Pope Paul VI.
Fr. Aloy is the author of more than 30 books and well over 500 Research Papers. Some of his books and articles have been translated and published in several countries. Among those books, one can find the following: 1) The Genesis of an Asian Theology of Liberation (An Autobiographical Excursus on the Art of Theologising in Asia, 2) An Asian Theology of Liberation, 3) Providential Timeliness of Vatican 11 (a long-overdue halt to a scandalous millennium, 4) Give Vatican 11 a chance, 5) Leadership in the Church, 6) Relishing our faith in working for justice (Themes for study and discussion), 7) A Message meant mainly, not exclusively for Jesuits (Background information necessary for helping Francis renew the Church), 8) Lent in Lanka (Reflections and Resolutions, 9) Love meets wisdom (A Christian Experience of Buddhism, 10) Fire and Water 11) God’s Reign for God’s poor, 12) Our Unhiddden Agenda (How we Jesuits work, pray and form our men). He is also the Editor of two journals, Vagdevi, Journal of Religious Reflection and Dialogue, New Series.
Fr. Aloy has a BA in Pali and Sanskrit from the University of London and a Ph.D in Buddhist Philosophy from the University of Sri Lankan, Vidyodaya Campus. On Nov. 23, 2019, he was awarded the prestigious honorary Doctorate of Literature (D.Litt) by the Chancellor of the University of Kelaniya, the Most Venerable Welamitiyawe Dharmakirthi Sri Kusala Dhamma Thera.
Fr. Aloy continues to be a promoter of Gospel values and virtues. Justice as a constitutive dimension of love and social concern for the downtrodden masses are very much noted in his life and work. He had very much appreciated the commitment of the late Fr. Joseph (Joe) Fernando, the National Director of the Social and Economic Centre (SEDEC) for the poor.
In Sri Lanka, a few religious Congregations – the Good Shepherd Sisters, the Christian Brothers, the Marist Brothers and the Oblates – have invited him to animate their members especially during their Provincial Congresses, Chapters and International Conferences. The mainline Christian Churches also have sought his advice and followed his seminars. I, for one, regret very much, that the Sri Lankan authorities of the Catholic Church –today’s Hierarchy—- have not sought Fr.
Aloy’s expertise for the renewal of the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka and thus have not benefited from the immense store of wisdom and insight that he can offer to our local Church while the Sri Lankan bishops who governed the Catholic church in the immediate aftermath of the Second Vatican Council (Edmund Fernando OMI, Anthony de Saram, Leo Nanayakkara OSB, Frank Marcus Fernando, Paul Perera,) visited him and consulted him on many matters. Among the Tamil Bishops, Bishop Rayappu Joseph was keeping close contact with him and Bishop J. Deogupillai hosted him and his team visiting him after the horrible Black July massacre of Tamils.
Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement
By Gomi Senadhira
senadhiragomi@gmail.com
“You might tell fairy tales, but the progress of a country cannot be achieved through such narratives. A country cannot be developed by making false promises. The country moved backward because of the electoral promises made by political parties throughout time. We have witnessed that the ultimate result of this is the country becoming bankrupt. Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet.” – President Ranil Wickremesinghe, 2024 Budget speech
Any Sri Lankan would agree with the above words of President Wickremesinghe on the false promises our politicians and officials make and the fairy tales they narrate which bankrupted this country. So, to understand this, let’s look at one such fairy tale with lots of false promises; Ranil Wickremesinghe’s greatest achievement in the area of international trade and investment promotion during the Yahapalana period, Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement (SLSFTA).
It is appropriate and timely to do it now as Finance Minister Wickremesinghe has just presented to parliament a bill on the National Policy on Economic Transformation which includes the establishment of an Office for International Trade and the Sri Lanka Institute of Economics and International Trade.
Was SLSFTA a “Cleverly negotiated Free Trade Agreement” as stated by the (former) Minister of Development Strategies and International Trade Malik Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate on the SLSFTA in July 2018, or a colossal blunder covered up with lies, false promises, and fairy tales? After SLSFTA was signed there were a number of fairy tales published on this agreement by the Ministry of Development Strategies and International, Institute of Policy Studies, and others.
However, for this article, I would like to limit my comments to the speech by Minister Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate, and the two most important areas in the agreement which were covered up with lies, fairy tales, and false promises, namely: revenue loss for Sri Lanka and Investment from Singapore. On the other important area, “Waste products dumping” I do not want to comment here as I have written extensively on the issue.
1. The revenue loss
During the Parliamentary Debate in July 2018, Minister Samarawickrama stated “…. let me reiterate that this FTA with Singapore has been very cleverly negotiated by us…. The liberalisation programme under this FTA has been carefully designed to have the least impact on domestic industry and revenue collection. We have included all revenue sensitive items in the negative list of items which will not be subject to removal of tariff. Therefore, 97.8% revenue from Customs duty is protected. Our tariff liberalisation will take place over a period of 12-15 years! In fact, the revenue earned through tariffs on goods imported from Singapore last year was Rs. 35 billion.
The revenue loss for over the next 15 years due to the FTA is only Rs. 733 million– which when annualised, on average, is just Rs. 51 million. That is just 0.14% per year! So anyone who claims the Singapore FTA causes revenue loss to the Government cannot do basic arithmetic! Mr. Speaker, in conclusion, I call on my fellow members of this House – don’t mislead the public with baseless criticism that is not grounded in facts. Don’t look at petty politics and use these issues for your own political survival.”
I was surprised to read the minister’s speech because an article published in January 2018 in “The Straits Times“, based on information released by the Singaporean Negotiators stated, “…. With the FTA, tariff savings for Singapore exports are estimated to hit $10 million annually“.
As the annual tariff savings (that is the revenue loss for Sri Lanka) calculated by the Singaporean Negotiators, Singaporean $ 10 million (Sri Lankan rupees 1,200 million in 2018) was way above the rupees’ 733 million revenue loss for 15 years estimated by the Sri Lankan negotiators, it was clear to any observer that one of the parties to the agreement had not done the basic arithmetic!
Six years later, according to a report published by “The Morning” newspaper, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) on 7th May 2024, Mr Samarawickrama’s chief trade negotiator K.J. Weerasinghehad had admitted “…. that forecasted revenue loss for the Government of Sri Lanka through the Singapore FTA is Rs. 450 million in 2023 and Rs. 1.3 billion in 2024.”
If these numbers are correct, as tariff liberalisation under the SLSFTA has just started, we will pass Rs 2 billion very soon. Then, the question is how Sri Lanka’s trade negotiators made such a colossal blunder. Didn’t they do their basic arithmetic? If they didn’t know how to do basic arithmetic they should have at least done their basic readings. For example, the headline of the article published in The Straits Times in January 2018 was “Singapore, Sri Lanka sign FTA, annual savings of $10m expected”.
Anyway, as Sri Lanka’s chief negotiator reiterated at the COPF meeting that “…. since 99% of the tariffs in Singapore have zero rates of duty, Sri Lanka has agreed on 80% tariff liberalisation over a period of 15 years while expecting Singapore investments to address the imbalance in trade,” let’s turn towards investment.
Investment from Singapore
In July 2018, speaking during the Parliamentary Debate on the FTA this is what Minister Malik Samarawickrama stated on investment from Singapore, “Already, thanks to this FTA, in just the past two-and-a-half months since the agreement came into effect we have received a proposal from Singapore for investment amounting to $ 14.8 billion in an oil refinery for export of petroleum products. In addition, we have proposals for a steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million), sugar refinery ($ 200 million). This adds up to more than $ 16.05 billion in the pipeline on these projects alone.
And all of these projects will create thousands of more jobs for our people. In principle approval has already been granted by the BOI and the investors are awaiting the release of land the environmental approvals to commence the project.
I request the Opposition and those with vested interests to change their narrow-minded thinking and join us to develop our country. We must always look at what is best for the whole community, not just the few who may oppose. We owe it to our people to courageously take decisions that will change their lives for the better.”
According to the media report I quoted earlier, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) Chief Negotiator Weerasinghe has admitted that Sri Lanka was not happy with overall Singapore investments that have come in the past few years in return for the trade liberalisation under the Singapore-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement. He has added that between 2021 and 2023 the total investment from Singapore had been around $162 million!
What happened to those projects worth $16 billion negotiated, thanks to the SLSFTA, in just the two-and-a-half months after the agreement came into effect and approved by the BOI? I do not know about the steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million) and sugar refinery ($ 200 million).
However, story of the multibillion-dollar investment in the Petroleum Refinery unfolded in a manner that would qualify it as the best fairy tale with false promises presented by our politicians and the officials, prior to 2019 elections.
Though many Sri Lankans got to know, through the media which repeatedly highlighted a plethora of issues surrounding the project and the questionable credentials of the Singaporean investor, the construction work on the Mirrijiwela Oil Refinery along with the cement factory began on the24th of March 2019 with a bang and Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and his ministers along with the foreign and local dignitaries laid the foundation stones.
That was few months before the 2019 Presidential elections. Inaugurating the construction work Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe said the projects will create thousands of job opportunities in the area and surrounding districts.
The oil refinery, which was to be built over 200 acres of land, with the capacity to refine 200,000 barrels of crude oil per day, was to generate US$7 billion of exports and create 1,500 direct and 3,000 indirect jobs. The construction of the refinery was to be completed in 44 months. Four years later, in August 2023 the Cabinet of Ministers approved the proposal presented by President Ranil Wickremesinghe to cancel the agreement with the investors of the refinery as the project has not been implemented! Can they explain to the country how much money was wasted to produce that fairy tale?
It is obvious that the President, ministers, and officials had made huge blunders and had deliberately misled the public and the parliament on the revenue loss and potential investment from SLSFTA with fairy tales and false promises.
As the president himself said, a country cannot be developed by making false promises or with fairy tales and these false promises and fairy tales had bankrupted the country. “Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet”.
(The writer, a specialist and an activist on trade and development issues . )
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