Features
The Island has played its role fearlessly
By Dew Gunasekara
The period of 40 years since the birth of The Island covers, both globally and domestically, dramatic and far-reaching eventful developments. The Island, as a new breed and brand, played its role magnificently with dynamism since its inception.
Globally, we witnessed the birth of neo-liberation, collapse of the mighty Soviet Union, so called war on terrorism, emergence of Asia as the vanguard of the world economy after 500 years, China as the second largest economy, global financial crisis of 2008, gigantic infrastructure development projects such as the Belt and Road Initiative, emergence of a new economic order of multi polarity, change in the world balance of economic and political power, humiliating withdrawal of US forces from Afghanistan after 20 years of occupation, shift of geopolitical tension to South Asia, weakening of the imperialist camp on all fronts, and the exit of Britain from EU.
Domestically, we witnessed the disgraceful burning of Jaffna Library, Sri Lanka‘s first Presidential Election, the notorious referendum to put off the General Election, the Black July, mayhem created by the Indian Army, commitment of the Eelam war, second JVP insurrection of 1988/89, assassination of President Ranasinghe Premadasa, a period of political assassinations, entry of Chandrika Kumaratunga as President, the end of the 30-year-war, administration of seven Executive Presidents, removal of two Chief Justices, the Easter Sunday terrorist attack, and the global COVID-19 pandemic.
The birth of The Island newspaper took place at a crucial moment, when media freedom and responsibility was at its lowest ebb, under the regime of the First Executive President J.R. Jayewardene. JR assumed power with 5/6 majority with the backing of the entire private sector media.
The state-owned Lake House, and the state-owned SLBC came under the grip of the new regime. At the time, there was no state-owned television and the only private sector television station – ITN – was taken over by the government. As a result, a vacuum was created in the media realm. In fact, the fourth estate was in high company with the mighty executive, 5/6 majority in the legislature and judiciary.
In contrast, between the period 1960-1967, Sirimavo Bandaranaike had only the state-owned SLBC to run the administration, with the three powerful media houses – Lake House, Times and Dawasa Group – branded, in political, parlance, as Bera-Gedera, Samayang Gedara and Magul Gedera. Bandaranaike was confronted with a military coup in 1962 and a political conspiracy in 1964, following the brutal assassination of her husband Premier SWRD Bandaranaike. This was an inevitable process of political upheaval and reaction, following the social changes of 1956.
It was under these political conditions that the Aththa newspaper was founded as an alternative media instrument. The Aththa newspaper was the only media weapon in the hands of Mrs. Bandaranaike and the United Front, to come to power in 1970. The defeat of Mrs. Bandaranaike in 1964 was the result of a political conspiracy engineered by the media baron of the day, led by Esmond Wickremasinghe.
In my view, Upali Wijewardene, a clever business tycoon with political ambition, would have observed the growing conditions of authoritarianism in the country, without media freedom and responsibility and conceived the idea of founding the Upali Newspapers. He may have seen the impending danger of rising authoritarianism with democracy in peril. So The Island as an alternative appeared on the newsstand in 1981. We became regular readers of The Island ever since.
In the period of the United Front Government of Mrs. Bandaranaike, I was serving as the Private Secretary to Pieter Keuneman, the Minister of Housing and Construction. The Minister, being a distinguished journalist-politician, I was fortunate enough to associate myself with all men in the media profession who were frequenting the corridors of our Ministry.
The four Editors-in-Chief of The Island, namely; Vijitha Yapa, Gamini Weerakoon, Edmund Ranasinghe S. Pathirawitharana and Prabath Sahabandu had close association with Pieter Keuneman, who himself was an editor at Lake House soon after his return from Cambridge after higher education. I was blessed with the opportunity of meeting these distinguished men in the media profession.
With the rising popularity of the young The Island newspaper, Upali Wijewardene became a target of attack by high-powered politicians in power. Maybe they would have sensed the hidden hand behind Upali Wijewardene, as a potential rival in politics. The sudden disappearance of Upali Wijewardene remains a mystery and may remain so forever.
I find that some of the regular contributors to The Island’s opinion page have turned out to be versatile writers. The page is full of substance, clarity on issues, inspiring critical thought, visionary thinking, and innovative ideas. I cannot but single out one of its regular contributors, Dr. Upul Wijayawardhana, who is a schoolmate of mine at Rahula College, Matara. This top doctor produced by Sri Lanka Medical College has turned out to be a scholarly writer, following in the footsteps of his illustrious father Justin Wijayawardhana, my teacher who guided us in the College Debating Society. So are many such contributors of high-quality, promoted by The Island.
The role played by The Island during the perils of the Eelam War is praiseworthy, with a policy of caution, realism and objectivity. The Island stood firmly with the country’s sovereignty, people’s interests, democracy and equality with malice to none but love for all. The Island refrained from being either opportunistic or sectarian. The Island never wavered from its policy of objectivity. It stood by science and not Myth at all times and in all climes. Currently, when the country is faced with an unprecedented crisis, its stands firmly by the people’s cause, not being subservient to any political force
On a personal note, I take this opportunity of saluting The Island for its fearless and dispassionate role on the issue of the Central Bank Bond Scam. On February 27, 2016, exactly on the 50th day of the Yahapalanaya Government, the Treasury Bond Scam took place. The only newspaper which broke the news was, The Island. When, the task of probing the scam was entrusted to me by the Parliament, on the floor of the House, I as the Chairman of the COPE acted swiftly and after several months of investigation and interrogation of the top officials, I prepared an interim report at the request of the Parliament and decided to present it to the Parliament, having placed it in the Agenda. As we were collecting signatures of the investigating Sub-Committee of the COPE in the evening, news broke from the Government Press regarding the Gazette Notification, dissolving the Parliament. The Speaker of the Parliament was not aware of the impending dissolvement, until I kept him informed. With this move, the presentation of the Interim Report was torpedoed. In addition, one of the members of the COPE, Sujeewa Senasinghe rushed to District Court in the following morning and obtained a restraining order, preventing me from revealing the contents of the interim report.
There was mounting blitz of propaganda against the unrevealed Interim Cope Report, using the dissolution of the Parliament. In the meantime, a letter was sent to the Secretary General of Parliament raising the question of privilege, in order to prevent any possible leakage of the COPE.
I was compelled to hold a Media Briefing to keep the public informed of what really happened. In this instance, The Island came to my rescue and revealed all what had happened. The Island played its role in the fine spirit of the media responsibility and in the overall interest of the people.
On July 30th 1983, with the outbreak of communal violence – Black July – the 3 left parties were banned and 4 leaders of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka were arrested at midnight and detained in the 4th floor of CID and later in the Negombo Prison. They were kept in detention and no visitors were allowed to meet them. Even Sarath Muttetuwegama, M.P. for Kalutara was denied of his Parliamentary privilege to visit his comrades for 3 months. It was only The Island which broke out the news and gave publicity to our grievances. The state-media kept mum. So, only The Island played its role fearlessly.
As Minister of Cultural Affairs and National Integrity, my first Cabinet Paper to make Tamil also compulsory for the public servants in keeping with the National Language Policy, I had to carry on a relentless battle and clear all the roadblocks for two long years until I received the green light from the Cabinet to issue the Gazette Notification in July 2007. This was the first attempt since 1966 after Premier S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike failed to push through the reasonable use of Tamil. Also, I received wide publicity through The Island’ for which I am deeply indebted to. Only the Hindu and The Island’s’ sister paper Divaina editorials commented that it was a historic decision.
Again, when I completed the rehabilitation of 13,000 Ex-LTTE cadres and sent them back home, showers of affection were honoured on me by the media. Here too, The Island played a formidable role. Even the then Commissioner General of Human Rights, Navaneethan Pillay visited Sri Lanka and met Chief Justice in my presence, she acknowledged the success of the Rehabilitation Programme but she remarked that Sri Lanka failed to uphold the rule of law. In this instance, The Island played its traditional role in support of people’s interest.
On the happy occasion of the 40th Anniversary of The Island, I wish Many Happy Returns to The Island and express the hope that The Island will continue to play its historic role, keeping the country and the people at heart, strictly abiding to its traditional policy of media freedom and responsibility.