Features
The Hon. Sirimavo Dias Bandaranaike
(Excerpted from Memoirs of a Cabinet Secretary by BP Peiris)
The country went to the polls again; and much was made at the hustings of the assassination of the late Premier and the ideals he stood for. His widow Sirimavo Dias Bandaranaike who had never been a politician, addressed election meetings and, according to the newspapers, shed tears in public. The election was fought more on emotion and sympathy for the late Prime Minister than on political issues.
As usual, election promises which could never be kept were made and her party was returned with an overwhelming majority. Unknown names were in the news as utter strangers to the public at large became elected members of Parliament. They came in as a People’s Government’ and the Government Members of Parliament donned the people’s dress, the national dress, with a blue scarf to indicate the party colour.
The Governor-General, Sir Oliver Goonetilleke, was in a quandary as to whom to send for to form a government. A few old hands had been elected like C. P. de Silva, Ilangaratne, A. P. Jayasuriya and Maithripala Senanayake, but if any one of these had been appointed Prime Minister, the Party would have disintegrated through internal jealousies. There was a newcomer, Felix Dias Bandaranaike, a kinsman of the late Premier. There was J. P. Obeysekera, another kinsman. But none of these could hold the team.
The only person who could lead was Sirimavo, but she had not contested a seat at the election and was therefore not a Member of Parliament. Precedents were sought. The opinions of learned professors of Constitutional Law were obtained. All were of the view that it would be unconstitutional to appoint Sirimavo as Prime Minister, except one, a Professor of Law at the University of London. Our Constitution requires the Governor-General to act in the same way as the Queen would act in the United Kingdom, and no Prime Minister from the House of Lords had been appointed for many years.
The last one was Lord Salisbury in 1895. The Earl of Home renounced his Earldom to contest a parliamentary by-election. Sir Oliver acted on the opinion of the Professor who was in favour of Mrs Bandaranaike. In this opinion, the Professor stated, after quoting a precedent from Southern Rhodesia, that “it would be constitutionally proper for the Governor-General to invite Mrs Bandaranaike to take office as Prime Minister.
“However, the Governor-General would have to take into consideration the fact that Mrs Bandaranaike had not apparently found it practicable to stand as a candidate for election and the possibility that she might not be able to find a suitable constituency even after her appointment or that she might be defeated at a by-election if she did stand as a candidate. It would clearly be improper for her as Prime Minister to advise the Governor-General to appoint her as a nominated member of either House”.
Mrs Bandaranaike became Prime Minister with a seat in the Senate. In the matter of this appointment, did or did not the Governor-General act on advice? If he did, then, the advice could only be given by the Prime Minister, and that would have been unconstitutional. If he did not, he openly flouted our Constitution. In any case, it is an extremely nice point for our legal pundits.
The Prime Minister’s chair in the House of Representatives was unoccupied and remained vacant. She became the first woman Prime Minister in the world. Because of this most unusual situation of the Prime Minister not being in the House of Representatives, Felix Dias and J. P. Obeysekera stated in public that they would resign their seats to enable the Prime Minister to contest a seat and win a by-election. There is no doubt that, had she contested a seat, she would have won on the wave of sympathy then prevailing in the people’s mind for her late husband. But neither resigned; she did not contest a seat and continued to be Prime Minister with her seat in the Senate.
A Cabinet of eleven was formed. Apart from the old stagers, there was Felix Dias who was given the key posts of Finance and Parliamentary Secretary to the Prime Minister, Sam P. C. Fernando, a colleague of mine at the Bar (Justice), Badiuddin Mahamud (Education), Mahanama Samaraweera (Local Government) and Sarath Wijesinghe, a classmate of mine at the Royal College (Labour and Nationalised Services). Serious problems awaited the attention of the Government. There were a few able men in the Cabinet; but their main handicap was a lack of experience.
The Prime Minister herself was at a great disadvantage in that she had had no experience of the business of politics. She asked for my assistance, which would have been readily available to her unasked. I was amazed to see how quickly she gathered the reins. In a few months, she had grasped the essentials of how to run a Cabinet meeting and conduct Cabinet business. Always in the background was Felix Dias, virtual Prime Minister, who ran the meetings, a fact which several other Ministers strongly resented.
Madam Prime Minister, like her husband, was always late for a meeting. Felix would come with certain items on the Agenda ticked off with a blue pencil and say ‘Mr Peiris, these items can be taken as approved.’ There was no discussion; and it went on the records as a decision of the Cabinet.
Madam Sirimavo, in spite of her lack of political training, had a marvelous retentive memory. She did not know who my father was and I did not tell her. My father and the Prime Minister’s father, the late Barnes Ratwatte Dissawe, had been very good friends. They belonged to that old class of Chief Headmen, now replaced by a Divisional Revenue Officers’ Service.
When my brother G. S. was appointed Ambassador to Burma, he paid a courtesy call on the Prime Minister who had asked him about his family. He had said his father was Gate Mudaliyar Edmund Peiris and that I was his eldest brother. The Prime Minister had looked surprised for a moment and then told my brother that, before her marriage, her father had gone on medical advice to spend a short holiday by the seaside at Panadura. She had accompanied her father.
The Dissawe had taken on rent a small bungalow not to be compared with the comforts he enjoyed at his Walauwa at Balangoda. When my father heard that his old friend was in town, he had invited the father and daughter to dinner. As usual, my father had acted the good host and the daughter, with her memory, had given my brother a detailed account of the evening.
After a few meetings in the Cabinet Room, Sirimavo changed the venue to Temple Trees, a most unsatisfactory arrangement from the view of the Secretariat although it was excellent from the security angle. The gates were always kept closed and were guarded by about three armed men of the militia. Further inland, hidden among the bushes, were two mounted guns pointing at the gates. The grounds were constantly being patrolled by the guards.
But the files and the reference books which might be wanted during a meeting were all in the Cabinet Office. If a file or a book was required, I had to telephone the office and what was wanted took some time in coming. More than once, I mentioned to the Cabinet the inconvenience of holding the meetings at Temple Trees and at last, after many months had passed, the Ministers agreed to meet once again in the Cabinet Room.
I had told the Cabinet that on meeting days, there were about nine police officers on duty, some in plain clothes, but that all were fully armed. I reminded them I was responsible for their safety during meetings and that all security measures had been taken. Felix Dias retorted, “What’s the use Mr Peiris of you talking of your responsibility and our safety after we are shot.”
For reasons of security, I asked that I be given the power to appoint all future minor employees to the Cabinet Office. This was necessary as these employees served the Ministers with tea and refreshments during a meeting and Treasury circulars required me to get them from the Employment Exchange, and I would not know their background. My request was granted and I filled the first vacancy of sweeper which arose by the appointment of the son of the Senate cook whom I knew to be sober and well behaved.
Some time later, two more vacancies arose. In one case, Felix Dias asked me not to fill the vacancy saying that he would send me a good man from Dompe, his constituency, which he did; and in the other case, I was told that Madam Prime Minister would be sending a man from Horagolla and that I was not to make an appointment on my own. And so, politics for the first time crept into the Cabinet Office at the level of sweeper.
The first Queen’s Speech of Sirimavo’s Government brought them into trouble. Felix Dias interpolated several paragraphs into the draft I had carefully prepared. He did not give a thought to the consequences. The Speech outlines the proposals which the Government intends to implement during the Session. It does not go into very great detail. With my experience, I thought my draft was good in that I had used expressions like” My Government will consider…; My Government intends…; My Government hopes etc.” thereby leaving a way of escape if the Government found it impossible to implement the proposals either for lack of Parliamentary time or for other practical or financial difficulties.
But this did not satisfy Felix. He asked “Why consider, hopes? Say, My Government will”. The Speech therefore contained some definite promises against all my mild protests. These, I know, could not be implemented during the Session. To illustrate my point I shall quote from the Speech of August 12, 1960. None of these proposals had been implemented in 1962:
My Prime Minister will take up the case of persons of Indian descent resident in Ceylon with a view to achieving a satisfactory solution of the problem…
Steps will be taken to revise the Constitution to establish a Republican form of Government…
My Government will introduce a scheme of national service for the youth of this country…
The Prime Minister, once she had got herself properly in the saddle, which was in about six months, was a different woman from the one I had welcomed earlier to her first Cabinet meeting. She was no longer playing second fiddle in her country’s orchestra. She had become a world figure whose word was law. She was the maestro who once said in public “There is no one in this country who can control me”. She wielded a powerful baton under which her bandsmen were made to keep a strict tempo.
It was rumoured that the Prime Minister’s ear was easily accessible to those who cared to tell her who were the friends of the Government and who were its enemies. Public servants were beginning to feel nervous. A false word about a public servant was capable of doing him much damage; and vice versa. There were a few at this time who were having an eye on my place.
There were a few others who would have been glad to see me go. Whether anything, and if so what, was being said about me, I did not know; but I got an early opportunity of speaking to Madam direct about myself.
It happened at a Cabinet meeting when the discussion turned on senior public servants meddling in politics. I turned round to Madam and said I did not know what she had heard about me, that I had no politics and that I spent my spare time with my books, my music and the few friends that I had. I added that my only politics had been limited to exercising my right as a citizen to vote at a general election but that, in order to be at peace with my own conscience and to be perfectly honest, I must tell her that I had always voted UNP. She said, “Mr Peiris, I admire your frankness. Very few would have told me that.”
I continued to serve her loyally. At the next meeting, I showed her the original of the following letter written to me by her late husband after he had left D.S.’s Cabinet and formed his own party.
My dear Peiris,
Thanks for your letter of 13. 07. 51. I much appreciate all you say. Please accept my thanks for the unfailing courtesy and help I always received from you.
Yours sincerely
S.W.R.D. Bandararnaike.
She looked hard at this letter for some time and said “He has written this letter himself. He rarely does that. He dictates them and has them typed.”
by Dr Gotabhya Ranasinghe
Senior Consultant Cardiologist
National Hospital Sri Lanka
When we sought a meeting with Hon Dr. Ramesh Pathirana, Minister of Health, he graciously cleared his busy schedule to accommodate us. Renowned for his attentive listening and deep understanding, Minister Pathirana is dedicated to advancing the health sector. His openness and transparency exemplify the qualities of an exemplary politician and minister.
Dr. Palitha Mahipala, the current Health Secretary, demonstrates both commendable enthusiasm and unwavering support. This combination of attributes makes him a highly compatible colleague for the esteemed Minister of Health.
Our discussion centered on a project that has been in the works for the past 30 years, one that no other minister had managed to advance.
Minister Pathirana, however, recognized the project’s significance and its potential to revolutionize care for heart patients.
The project involves the construction of a state-of-the-art facility at the premises of the National Hospital Colombo. The project’s location within the premises of the National Hospital underscores its importance and relevance to the healthcare infrastructure of the nation.
This facility will include a cardiology building and a tertiary care center, equipped with the latest technology to handle and treat all types of heart-related conditions and surgeries.
Securing funding was a major milestone for this initiative. Minister Pathirana successfully obtained approval for a $40 billion loan from the Asian Development Bank. With the funding in place, the foundation stone is scheduled to be laid in September this year, and construction will begin in January 2025.
This project guarantees a consistent and uninterrupted supply of stents and related medications for heart patients. As a result, patients will have timely access to essential medical supplies during their treatment and recovery. By securing these critical resources, the project aims to enhance patient outcomes, minimize treatment delays, and maintain the highest standards of cardiac care.
Upon its fruition, this monumental building will serve as a beacon of hope and healing, symbolizing the unwavering dedication to improving patient outcomes and fostering a healthier society.We anticipate a future marked by significant progress and positive outcomes in Sri Lanka’s cardiovascular treatment landscape within the foreseeable timeframe.
by Fr. Emmanuel Fernando, OMI
Jesuit Fr. Aloysius Pieris (affectionately called Fr. Aloy) celebrated his 90th birthday on April 9, 2024 and I, as the editor of our Oblate Journal, THE MISSIONARY OBLATE had gone to press by that time. Immediately I decided to publish an article, appreciating the untiring selfless services he continues to offer for inter-Faith dialogue, the renewal of the Catholic Church, his concern for the poor and the suffering Sri Lankan masses and to me, the present writer.
It was in 1988, when I was appointed Director of the Oblate Scholastics at Ampitiya by the then Oblate Provincial Fr. Anselm Silva, that I came to know Fr. Aloy more closely. Knowing well his expertise in matters spiritual, theological, Indological and pastoral, and with the collaborative spirit of my companion-formators, our Oblate Scholastics were sent to Tulana, the Research and Encounter Centre, Kelaniya, of which he is the Founder-Director, for ‘exposure-programmes’ on matters spiritual, biblical, theological and pastoral. Some of these dimensions according to my view and that of my companion-formators, were not available at the National Seminary, Ampitiya.
Ever since that time, our Oblate formators/ accompaniers at the Oblate Scholasticate, Ampitiya , have continued to send our Oblate Scholastics to Tulana Centre for deepening their insights and convictions regarding matters needed to serve the people in today’s context. Fr. Aloy also had tried very enthusiastically with the Oblate team headed by Frs. Oswald Firth and Clement Waidyasekara to begin a Theologate, directed by the Religious Congregations in Sri Lanka, for the contextual formation/ accompaniment of their members. It should very well be a desired goal of the Leaders / Provincials of the Religious Congregations.
Besides being a formator/accompanier at the Oblate Scholasticate, I was entrusted also with the task of editing and publishing our Oblate journal, ‘The Missionary Oblate’. To maintain the quality of the journal I continue to depend on Fr. Aloy for his thought-provoking and stimulating articles on Biblical Spirituality, Biblical Theology and Ecclesiology. I am very grateful to him for his generous assistance. Of late, his writings on renewal of the Church, initiated by Pope St. John XX111 and continued by Pope Francis through the Synodal path, published in our Oblate journal, enable our readers to focus their attention also on the needed renewal in the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka. Fr. Aloy appreciated very much the Synodal path adopted by the Jesuit Pope Francis for the renewal of the Church, rooted very much on prayerful discernment. In my Religious and presbyteral life, Fr.Aloy continues to be my spiritual animator / guide and ongoing formator / acccompanier.
Fr. Aloysius Pieris, BA Hons (Lond), LPh (SHC, India), STL (PFT, Naples), PhD (SLU/VC), ThD (Tilburg), D.Ltt (KU), has been one of the eminent Asian theologians well recognized internationally and one who has lectured and held visiting chairs in many universities both in the West and in the East. Many members of Religious Congregations from Asian countries have benefited from his lectures and guidance in the East Asian Pastoral Institute (EAPI) in Manila, Philippines. He had been a Theologian consulted by the Federation of Asian Bishops’ Conferences for many years. During his professorship at the Gregorian University in Rome, he was called to be a member of a special group of advisers on other religions consulted by Pope Paul VI.
Fr. Aloy is the author of more than 30 books and well over 500 Research Papers. Some of his books and articles have been translated and published in several countries. Among those books, one can find the following: 1) The Genesis of an Asian Theology of Liberation (An Autobiographical Excursus on the Art of Theologising in Asia, 2) An Asian Theology of Liberation, 3) Providential Timeliness of Vatican 11 (a long-overdue halt to a scandalous millennium, 4) Give Vatican 11 a chance, 5) Leadership in the Church, 6) Relishing our faith in working for justice (Themes for study and discussion), 7) A Message meant mainly, not exclusively for Jesuits (Background information necessary for helping Francis renew the Church), 8) Lent in Lanka (Reflections and Resolutions, 9) Love meets wisdom (A Christian Experience of Buddhism, 10) Fire and Water 11) God’s Reign for God’s poor, 12) Our Unhiddden Agenda (How we Jesuits work, pray and form our men). He is also the Editor of two journals, Vagdevi, Journal of Religious Reflection and Dialogue, New Series.
Fr. Aloy has a BA in Pali and Sanskrit from the University of London and a Ph.D in Buddhist Philosophy from the University of Sri Lankan, Vidyodaya Campus. On Nov. 23, 2019, he was awarded the prestigious honorary Doctorate of Literature (D.Litt) by the Chancellor of the University of Kelaniya, the Most Venerable Welamitiyawe Dharmakirthi Sri Kusala Dhamma Thera.
Fr. Aloy continues to be a promoter of Gospel values and virtues. Justice as a constitutive dimension of love and social concern for the downtrodden masses are very much noted in his life and work. He had very much appreciated the commitment of the late Fr. Joseph (Joe) Fernando, the National Director of the Social and Economic Centre (SEDEC) for the poor.
In Sri Lanka, a few religious Congregations – the Good Shepherd Sisters, the Christian Brothers, the Marist Brothers and the Oblates – have invited him to animate their members especially during their Provincial Congresses, Chapters and International Conferences. The mainline Christian Churches also have sought his advice and followed his seminars. I, for one, regret very much, that the Sri Lankan authorities of the Catholic Church –today’s Hierarchy—- have not sought Fr.
Aloy’s expertise for the renewal of the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka and thus have not benefited from the immense store of wisdom and insight that he can offer to our local Church while the Sri Lankan bishops who governed the Catholic church in the immediate aftermath of the Second Vatican Council (Edmund Fernando OMI, Anthony de Saram, Leo Nanayakkara OSB, Frank Marcus Fernando, Paul Perera,) visited him and consulted him on many matters. Among the Tamil Bishops, Bishop Rayappu Joseph was keeping close contact with him and Bishop J. Deogupillai hosted him and his team visiting him after the horrible Black July massacre of Tamils.
Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement
By Gomi Senadhira
senadhiragomi@gmail.com
“You might tell fairy tales, but the progress of a country cannot be achieved through such narratives. A country cannot be developed by making false promises. The country moved backward because of the electoral promises made by political parties throughout time. We have witnessed that the ultimate result of this is the country becoming bankrupt. Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet.” – President Ranil Wickremesinghe, 2024 Budget speech
Any Sri Lankan would agree with the above words of President Wickremesinghe on the false promises our politicians and officials make and the fairy tales they narrate which bankrupted this country. So, to understand this, let’s look at one such fairy tale with lots of false promises; Ranil Wickremesinghe’s greatest achievement in the area of international trade and investment promotion during the Yahapalana period, Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement (SLSFTA).
It is appropriate and timely to do it now as Finance Minister Wickremesinghe has just presented to parliament a bill on the National Policy on Economic Transformation which includes the establishment of an Office for International Trade and the Sri Lanka Institute of Economics and International Trade.
Was SLSFTA a “Cleverly negotiated Free Trade Agreement” as stated by the (former) Minister of Development Strategies and International Trade Malik Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate on the SLSFTA in July 2018, or a colossal blunder covered up with lies, false promises, and fairy tales? After SLSFTA was signed there were a number of fairy tales published on this agreement by the Ministry of Development Strategies and International, Institute of Policy Studies, and others.
However, for this article, I would like to limit my comments to the speech by Minister Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate, and the two most important areas in the agreement which were covered up with lies, fairy tales, and false promises, namely: revenue loss for Sri Lanka and Investment from Singapore. On the other important area, “Waste products dumping” I do not want to comment here as I have written extensively on the issue.
1. The revenue loss
During the Parliamentary Debate in July 2018, Minister Samarawickrama stated “…. let me reiterate that this FTA with Singapore has been very cleverly negotiated by us…. The liberalisation programme under this FTA has been carefully designed to have the least impact on domestic industry and revenue collection. We have included all revenue sensitive items in the negative list of items which will not be subject to removal of tariff. Therefore, 97.8% revenue from Customs duty is protected. Our tariff liberalisation will take place over a period of 12-15 years! In fact, the revenue earned through tariffs on goods imported from Singapore last year was Rs. 35 billion.
The revenue loss for over the next 15 years due to the FTA is only Rs. 733 million– which when annualised, on average, is just Rs. 51 million. That is just 0.14% per year! So anyone who claims the Singapore FTA causes revenue loss to the Government cannot do basic arithmetic! Mr. Speaker, in conclusion, I call on my fellow members of this House – don’t mislead the public with baseless criticism that is not grounded in facts. Don’t look at petty politics and use these issues for your own political survival.”
I was surprised to read the minister’s speech because an article published in January 2018 in “The Straits Times“, based on information released by the Singaporean Negotiators stated, “…. With the FTA, tariff savings for Singapore exports are estimated to hit $10 million annually“.
As the annual tariff savings (that is the revenue loss for Sri Lanka) calculated by the Singaporean Negotiators, Singaporean $ 10 million (Sri Lankan rupees 1,200 million in 2018) was way above the rupees’ 733 million revenue loss for 15 years estimated by the Sri Lankan negotiators, it was clear to any observer that one of the parties to the agreement had not done the basic arithmetic!
Six years later, according to a report published by “The Morning” newspaper, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) on 7th May 2024, Mr Samarawickrama’s chief trade negotiator K.J. Weerasinghehad had admitted “…. that forecasted revenue loss for the Government of Sri Lanka through the Singapore FTA is Rs. 450 million in 2023 and Rs. 1.3 billion in 2024.”
If these numbers are correct, as tariff liberalisation under the SLSFTA has just started, we will pass Rs 2 billion very soon. Then, the question is how Sri Lanka’s trade negotiators made such a colossal blunder. Didn’t they do their basic arithmetic? If they didn’t know how to do basic arithmetic they should have at least done their basic readings. For example, the headline of the article published in The Straits Times in January 2018 was “Singapore, Sri Lanka sign FTA, annual savings of $10m expected”.
Anyway, as Sri Lanka’s chief negotiator reiterated at the COPF meeting that “…. since 99% of the tariffs in Singapore have zero rates of duty, Sri Lanka has agreed on 80% tariff liberalisation over a period of 15 years while expecting Singapore investments to address the imbalance in trade,” let’s turn towards investment.
Investment from Singapore
In July 2018, speaking during the Parliamentary Debate on the FTA this is what Minister Malik Samarawickrama stated on investment from Singapore, “Already, thanks to this FTA, in just the past two-and-a-half months since the agreement came into effect we have received a proposal from Singapore for investment amounting to $ 14.8 billion in an oil refinery for export of petroleum products. In addition, we have proposals for a steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million), sugar refinery ($ 200 million). This adds up to more than $ 16.05 billion in the pipeline on these projects alone.
And all of these projects will create thousands of more jobs for our people. In principle approval has already been granted by the BOI and the investors are awaiting the release of land the environmental approvals to commence the project.
I request the Opposition and those with vested interests to change their narrow-minded thinking and join us to develop our country. We must always look at what is best for the whole community, not just the few who may oppose. We owe it to our people to courageously take decisions that will change their lives for the better.”
According to the media report I quoted earlier, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) Chief Negotiator Weerasinghe has admitted that Sri Lanka was not happy with overall Singapore investments that have come in the past few years in return for the trade liberalisation under the Singapore-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement. He has added that between 2021 and 2023 the total investment from Singapore had been around $162 million!
What happened to those projects worth $16 billion negotiated, thanks to the SLSFTA, in just the two-and-a-half months after the agreement came into effect and approved by the BOI? I do not know about the steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million) and sugar refinery ($ 200 million).
However, story of the multibillion-dollar investment in the Petroleum Refinery unfolded in a manner that would qualify it as the best fairy tale with false promises presented by our politicians and the officials, prior to 2019 elections.
Though many Sri Lankans got to know, through the media which repeatedly highlighted a plethora of issues surrounding the project and the questionable credentials of the Singaporean investor, the construction work on the Mirrijiwela Oil Refinery along with the cement factory began on the24th of March 2019 with a bang and Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and his ministers along with the foreign and local dignitaries laid the foundation stones.
That was few months before the 2019 Presidential elections. Inaugurating the construction work Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe said the projects will create thousands of job opportunities in the area and surrounding districts.
The oil refinery, which was to be built over 200 acres of land, with the capacity to refine 200,000 barrels of crude oil per day, was to generate US$7 billion of exports and create 1,500 direct and 3,000 indirect jobs. The construction of the refinery was to be completed in 44 months. Four years later, in August 2023 the Cabinet of Ministers approved the proposal presented by President Ranil Wickremesinghe to cancel the agreement with the investors of the refinery as the project has not been implemented! Can they explain to the country how much money was wasted to produce that fairy tale?
It is obvious that the President, ministers, and officials had made huge blunders and had deliberately misled the public and the parliament on the revenue loss and potential investment from SLSFTA with fairy tales and false promises.
As the president himself said, a country cannot be developed by making false promises or with fairy tales and these false promises and fairy tales had bankrupted the country. “Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet”.
(The writer, a specialist and an activist on trade and development issues . )
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