Features
Sirisena Cooray: The Image and the Man
First death anniversary
by Tisaranee Gunasekara
“Here I must write, without prearrangement, details.”
Andre Gide (Journal)
“I’m unpacking my library.” So begins Walter Benjamin’s short essay on book collecting, Unpacking my library.
Moving house was something Sirisena Cooray did often, almost a pastime. In the last three decades, he moved back and forth between Colombo, Nawala, Malabe, Katana, and Biyagama. A bed, unassembled and assembled too many times, collapsed as he sat on it, a story his wife, Srimathi Cooray would relate with a twinkle in her eyes.
Every time Sirisena Cooray shifted house, his collection of a few hundred books had to be packed and unpacked, the only aspect of house moving he personally became involved in. They were his books, the mementos of a reading life. The collection varied, from old hardcover books with yellowed crinkly pages and dust jackets mottled with time to new paperbacks he got as birthday gifts. On the wooden shelves of his serial homes Alessandro Manzoni’s classic historiographical novel The Betrothed rubbed sides with Agatha Christie’s The Body in the Library, KPS Menon’s Delhi-Chungking: A travel diary with biographies of Gandhi, Mao and Putin. An eclectic collection, like the owner, fascinating, mystifying, and, ultimately, endearing.
With any public figure, there is a gap, large or small, between the image and the person. In the case of Sirisena Cooray, the gap was a chasm, an endless dark space birthed by prejudice and nourished with lies. That growth happened in tandem with the political rise of the Premadasa-Cooray combine. To hate one was to hate the other. Those who considered Ranasinghe Premadasa murderer-extraordinaire regarded Sirisena Cooray as the enforcer who took care of the nitty-gritty of killing.
To see past that chasm of disinformation, one had to know the man. But all too often, the chasm overshadowed the man, until, for many the public image, a construct of rumours and fears, became the whole, the everything. Books had no place in that creation, only guns; there, the neat handwritten notes Sirisena Cooray made about something he read (either for himself as a future reference or for a few friends) would have been transformed into hit-lists, or secret places where the bodies were buried.
Prejudice could be harder and more dazzling than even diamonds.
What we lose to lies
A secret group of Satanic, paedophilic sex traffickers control the US government and state, finance and media: thus goes the basic tenet of the Q Anon movement, that nebulous American construct of conspiracy maniacs. According to the composite of four recent polls, 16 percent of all Americans, that is 44million people, double the population of Sri Lanka, consider this to be the truth and nothing but the truth.
Humans have a predilection for conspiracy theories. The more extreme the lie, the more convincing it is to some. Think of that 1903 fabrication, The Protocols of the Elders of Zion. This supposed plan by Jews for global domination was exposed in 1921 as a fraud created by the Tsarist police. Yet it formed a toxic current that fed into the sea of mass murder that was the Holocaust.
Sirisena Cooray in his book, President Premadasa and I: Our Story, talks about the first murder attributed to him and Ranasinghe Premadasa. When Upali Wijewardene disappeared, it was claimed that his plane crash was engineered by Prime Minister Premadasa. Sirisena Cooray, then high commissioner in Malaysia, was said to have hired a submarine to take the debris away. In a biographical piece on President Premadasa, senior lawyer Jehan Cassim mentioned an even more extreme version of the story; that Sirisena Cooray not just hired that submarine but went in it to ensure that the job was done properly!
The Q Anon movement came into being in a historical time characterised by two tectonic changes, one actual, the other potential, the election of America’s first biracial president and the likely election of America’s first woman president. Until Ranasinghe Premadasa became the prime minister, this upstart from the wrong side of the tracks could be dismissed with a wink and a laugh. Once he became the second citizen and the possibility of a Premadasa Presidency turned real, mockery and sarcasm didn’t suffice.
So the murder tales began. They would reach a fever pitch when Ranasinghe Premadasa broke the glass ceiling of caste to become the second executive president, culminating in one final flight of imagination: that the Premadasa-Cooray combine planned a fake assassination attempt for Ranasinghe Premadasa which Sirisena Cooray turned into reality.
For conspiracy theorists, nothing crazy is alien. In the mid 1990’s the government of Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga would appoint three presidential commissions with the obvious intent of finding the Premadasa-Cooray combine guilty of the deaths of Vijaya Kumaratunga, Lalith Athulathmudali, and General Denzil Kobbekaduwa. The findings of the Athulathmudali Commission would eventually be dismissed by a three-judge bench of the Supreme Court and the entire enterprise end in farce when a star witness told one too many lies and two judges serving on the Kobbekaduwa Commission resigned.
Yet the stories persist. While searching for another article, I came across a reddit page with a question, What Sri Lanka related conspiracy theory do you believe in? The top three mentioned were the deaths Upali Wijewardene, Denzil Kobbekaduwa, Lalith Athulathmudali, and Vijaya Kumaratunga, with Ranasinghe Premadasa being fingered as the mastermind.
Those who believe in absurdities can commit atrocious stupidities, to paraphrase Voltaire. The silly stories about the Premadasa-Cooray murder machine and the tale of the Kelani Cobra both belong in the same spectrum of idiotic irrationality. The willing departure from the world of facts is the reason we are living in a stolen, broken country today.
In the aftermath of Ranasinghe Premadasa’s assassination, defending him was costly, politically and societally. Without Sirisena Cooray, and the Premadasa Centre he founded, the clearing of the Premadasa name would have never happened. Unfortunately, the participatory development model which characterised both the Janasaviya poverty alleviation programme and the second and third phases of the housing programme fared less well. Sirisena Cooray tried to resurrect at least parts of that model by various means, including getting a group of experts in diverse fields to come up with a comprehensive national plan in 1999. His efforts failed. The participatory model was forgotten; handouts became coterminous with progressivism cementing the dependency syndrome, thereby making both a short and a long term contribution of the current crisis.
In a birth anniversary tribute to Sirisena Cooray, career civil servant WD Ailapperuma explained how in 1992, a pilot programme implemented by the Ministry of Housing (with World Bank funds) in Badulla, Ratnapura, and Matara districts used the participatory model to build community water supply and sanitation projects. He also wrote how during Sirisena Cooray’s tenure as housing minister, a solar village was established as a pilot project in Pansiyagama in Kurunegala with Australian assistance. This provided “a simple photovoltaic solar home lighting system to 500 families, supplying a village family’s minimum power requirements – 4-6 lamps, a radio and a small television. With the experience of the pilot project, the Housing Ministry under Sirisena Cooray, embarked in 1991, on a follow-up solar power project…in the lower Uva region, one of the poorest, least developed areas in Sri Lanka. Solar power was provided to rural hospitals and maternity clinics, doctors’ quarters in rural hospitals, rural schools and school laboratories, teachers’ quarters, vocational training centres and most importantly for community water pumping. In addition, midwives were provided with portable solar lanterns to help in their night rounds and deliveries…” This long before Green Energy became a thing.
Post-1994 general election, Janasaviya could have continued with the inherent and operational weaknesses in the investment component addressed, the housing programme, sans Gam Udawa. If the solar pilot project was generalised, instead of increasing reliance on fossil fuel, the petrol-diesel queues of April-August 2022 could have been avoided. Had the development model combining private-public partnership in business with state-people partnership in the provision of basic services survived in an improved version, Sri Lanka would not have fallen behind Bangladesh. Instead, politicians of all stripes got into the habit of distributing roofing sheets and sewing machines. Unreason triumphed, cresting in 2019. The rest we are living through.
Political and Personal
Ranasinghe Premadasa was an original, incapable of being imitated or copied. So too was Sirisena Cooray. One was the visionary leader, the other the pragmatic second-in-command who charted a path from idea to reality. Dreaming was not Sirisena Cooray’s forte; work was. He didn’t like publicity for himself, was not a natural in front of a camera, a non-orator. But being around him when he slowly, painstakingly turned an idea into reality could and did inspire. It was a learning experience in how to get things done, from the mundane to the very big, on time. Always on time.
The Premadasa-Cooray partnership which changed Lankan history would not have survived without their deep personal bond. For Sirisena Cooray, a shared political vision would not have sufficed. An emotional bond was an equal, perhaps a greater, necessity. On two occasions, once at a public meeting in the Sucharitha Hall and again at an organisational discussion in the Premadasa Centre, I heard, with incredulity and bewilderment, Sirisena Cooray telling participants, “Support me only if you love me” (a literal translation). Colombo Central old hands responded to my incomprehension and shock with amused resignation. Nothing new there, I was told, that was the man. It had taken a direct order from President Premadasa to compel candidate Cooray to campaign for himself at the 1989 general election, even then reluctantly and with scant enthusiasm.
The mantle of strongman fitted Sirisena Cooray well so long as Ranasinghe Premadasa was alive. Post-Premadasa, he only played at playing the role, that too occasionally. For his leader-friend, he would move mountains. For himself, a sand castle sufficed. He was committed to the task of clearing Ranasinghe Premadasa’s name. Once that challenge was won to a large degree, political involvement lost its spice. He dabbled in politics because it was a habit and as a way of keeping the connection to Premadasa loyalists alive. He knew he was their last link with their lost leader, and that was a responsibility he never shirked.
Manik de Silva recently recalled how he sent a text to Sirisena Cooray around 2.30 in the morning and got a call back immediately. You couldn’t be the man at Ranasinghe Premadasa’s side without being a very early riser. The habit never left Sirisena Cooray. He once said that those early morning hours were the hardest, when he was up with just memories for company. As he stated at the end of his book, “Today he is gone, and I am alone with my memories. The problem is there are too many memories.”
Sirisena Cooray was neither visionary nor leader. His organisational genius worked only with and for Ranasinghe Premadasa. Yet he reached close to the impossible heights of perfection in two areas. One was as second-in-command to a leader he loved. Second was as a friend, caring and dependable in matters large and small. A kind hearted man, a decent human being.He lost many friends to death, a few to vagaries of life. To those who remained, he too left a weight of memories behind.
In pandemic times, when visits had to be infrequent, I developed the habit of calling Sirisena Cooray every other day. The time was unvarying, between 6 and 6.10 in the evening. Even a minute’s delay was noted and remarked on, a cheery You are late, followed by a chuckle.One year on, some days, as six in the evening nears, I find myself glancing at the clock, until memory returns.
Features
The heart-friendly health minister
by Dr Gotabhya Ranasinghe
Senior Consultant Cardiologist
National Hospital Sri Lanka
When we sought a meeting with Hon Dr. Ramesh Pathirana, Minister of Health, he graciously cleared his busy schedule to accommodate us. Renowned for his attentive listening and deep understanding, Minister Pathirana is dedicated to advancing the health sector. His openness and transparency exemplify the qualities of an exemplary politician and minister.
Dr. Palitha Mahipala, the current Health Secretary, demonstrates both commendable enthusiasm and unwavering support. This combination of attributes makes him a highly compatible colleague for the esteemed Minister of Health.
Our discussion centered on a project that has been in the works for the past 30 years, one that no other minister had managed to advance.
Minister Pathirana, however, recognized the project’s significance and its potential to revolutionize care for heart patients.
The project involves the construction of a state-of-the-art facility at the premises of the National Hospital Colombo. The project’s location within the premises of the National Hospital underscores its importance and relevance to the healthcare infrastructure of the nation.
This facility will include a cardiology building and a tertiary care center, equipped with the latest technology to handle and treat all types of heart-related conditions and surgeries.
Securing funding was a major milestone for this initiative. Minister Pathirana successfully obtained approval for a $40 billion loan from the Asian Development Bank. With the funding in place, the foundation stone is scheduled to be laid in September this year, and construction will begin in January 2025.
This project guarantees a consistent and uninterrupted supply of stents and related medications for heart patients. As a result, patients will have timely access to essential medical supplies during their treatment and recovery. By securing these critical resources, the project aims to enhance patient outcomes, minimize treatment delays, and maintain the highest standards of cardiac care.
Upon its fruition, this monumental building will serve as a beacon of hope and healing, symbolizing the unwavering dedication to improving patient outcomes and fostering a healthier society.We anticipate a future marked by significant progress and positive outcomes in Sri Lanka’s cardiovascular treatment landscape within the foreseeable timeframe.
Features
A LOVING TRIBUTE TO JESUIT FR. ALOYSIUS PIERIS ON HIS 90th BIRTHDAY
by Fr. Emmanuel Fernando, OMI
Jesuit Fr. Aloysius Pieris (affectionately called Fr. Aloy) celebrated his 90th birthday on April 9, 2024 and I, as the editor of our Oblate Journal, THE MISSIONARY OBLATE had gone to press by that time. Immediately I decided to publish an article, appreciating the untiring selfless services he continues to offer for inter-Faith dialogue, the renewal of the Catholic Church, his concern for the poor and the suffering Sri Lankan masses and to me, the present writer.
It was in 1988, when I was appointed Director of the Oblate Scholastics at Ampitiya by the then Oblate Provincial Fr. Anselm Silva, that I came to know Fr. Aloy more closely. Knowing well his expertise in matters spiritual, theological, Indological and pastoral, and with the collaborative spirit of my companion-formators, our Oblate Scholastics were sent to Tulana, the Research and Encounter Centre, Kelaniya, of which he is the Founder-Director, for ‘exposure-programmes’ on matters spiritual, biblical, theological and pastoral. Some of these dimensions according to my view and that of my companion-formators, were not available at the National Seminary, Ampitiya.
Ever since that time, our Oblate formators/ accompaniers at the Oblate Scholasticate, Ampitiya , have continued to send our Oblate Scholastics to Tulana Centre for deepening their insights and convictions regarding matters needed to serve the people in today’s context. Fr. Aloy also had tried very enthusiastically with the Oblate team headed by Frs. Oswald Firth and Clement Waidyasekara to begin a Theologate, directed by the Religious Congregations in Sri Lanka, for the contextual formation/ accompaniment of their members. It should very well be a desired goal of the Leaders / Provincials of the Religious Congregations.
Besides being a formator/accompanier at the Oblate Scholasticate, I was entrusted also with the task of editing and publishing our Oblate journal, ‘The Missionary Oblate’. To maintain the quality of the journal I continue to depend on Fr. Aloy for his thought-provoking and stimulating articles on Biblical Spirituality, Biblical Theology and Ecclesiology. I am very grateful to him for his generous assistance. Of late, his writings on renewal of the Church, initiated by Pope St. John XX111 and continued by Pope Francis through the Synodal path, published in our Oblate journal, enable our readers to focus their attention also on the needed renewal in the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka. Fr. Aloy appreciated very much the Synodal path adopted by the Jesuit Pope Francis for the renewal of the Church, rooted very much on prayerful discernment. In my Religious and presbyteral life, Fr.Aloy continues to be my spiritual animator / guide and ongoing formator / acccompanier.
Fr. Aloysius Pieris, BA Hons (Lond), LPh (SHC, India), STL (PFT, Naples), PhD (SLU/VC), ThD (Tilburg), D.Ltt (KU), has been one of the eminent Asian theologians well recognized internationally and one who has lectured and held visiting chairs in many universities both in the West and in the East. Many members of Religious Congregations from Asian countries have benefited from his lectures and guidance in the East Asian Pastoral Institute (EAPI) in Manila, Philippines. He had been a Theologian consulted by the Federation of Asian Bishops’ Conferences for many years. During his professorship at the Gregorian University in Rome, he was called to be a member of a special group of advisers on other religions consulted by Pope Paul VI.
Fr. Aloy is the author of more than 30 books and well over 500 Research Papers. Some of his books and articles have been translated and published in several countries. Among those books, one can find the following: 1) The Genesis of an Asian Theology of Liberation (An Autobiographical Excursus on the Art of Theologising in Asia, 2) An Asian Theology of Liberation, 3) Providential Timeliness of Vatican 11 (a long-overdue halt to a scandalous millennium, 4) Give Vatican 11 a chance, 5) Leadership in the Church, 6) Relishing our faith in working for justice (Themes for study and discussion), 7) A Message meant mainly, not exclusively for Jesuits (Background information necessary for helping Francis renew the Church), 8) Lent in Lanka (Reflections and Resolutions, 9) Love meets wisdom (A Christian Experience of Buddhism, 10) Fire and Water 11) God’s Reign for God’s poor, 12) Our Unhiddden Agenda (How we Jesuits work, pray and form our men). He is also the Editor of two journals, Vagdevi, Journal of Religious Reflection and Dialogue, New Series.
Fr. Aloy has a BA in Pali and Sanskrit from the University of London and a Ph.D in Buddhist Philosophy from the University of Sri Lankan, Vidyodaya Campus. On Nov. 23, 2019, he was awarded the prestigious honorary Doctorate of Literature (D.Litt) by the Chancellor of the University of Kelaniya, the Most Venerable Welamitiyawe Dharmakirthi Sri Kusala Dhamma Thera.
Fr. Aloy continues to be a promoter of Gospel values and virtues. Justice as a constitutive dimension of love and social concern for the downtrodden masses are very much noted in his life and work. He had very much appreciated the commitment of the late Fr. Joseph (Joe) Fernando, the National Director of the Social and Economic Centre (SEDEC) for the poor.
In Sri Lanka, a few religious Congregations – the Good Shepherd Sisters, the Christian Brothers, the Marist Brothers and the Oblates – have invited him to animate their members especially during their Provincial Congresses, Chapters and International Conferences. The mainline Christian Churches also have sought his advice and followed his seminars. I, for one, regret very much, that the Sri Lankan authorities of the Catholic Church –today’s Hierarchy—- have not sought Fr.
Aloy’s expertise for the renewal of the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka and thus have not benefited from the immense store of wisdom and insight that he can offer to our local Church while the Sri Lankan bishops who governed the Catholic church in the immediate aftermath of the Second Vatican Council (Edmund Fernando OMI, Anthony de Saram, Leo Nanayakkara OSB, Frank Marcus Fernando, Paul Perera,) visited him and consulted him on many matters. Among the Tamil Bishops, Bishop Rayappu Joseph was keeping close contact with him and Bishop J. Deogupillai hosted him and his team visiting him after the horrible Black July massacre of Tamils.
Features
A fairy tale, success or debacle
Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement
By Gomi Senadhira
senadhiragomi@gmail.com
“You might tell fairy tales, but the progress of a country cannot be achieved through such narratives. A country cannot be developed by making false promises. The country moved backward because of the electoral promises made by political parties throughout time. We have witnessed that the ultimate result of this is the country becoming bankrupt. Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet.” – President Ranil Wickremesinghe, 2024 Budget speech
Any Sri Lankan would agree with the above words of President Wickremesinghe on the false promises our politicians and officials make and the fairy tales they narrate which bankrupted this country. So, to understand this, let’s look at one such fairy tale with lots of false promises; Ranil Wickremesinghe’s greatest achievement in the area of international trade and investment promotion during the Yahapalana period, Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement (SLSFTA).
It is appropriate and timely to do it now as Finance Minister Wickremesinghe has just presented to parliament a bill on the National Policy on Economic Transformation which includes the establishment of an Office for International Trade and the Sri Lanka Institute of Economics and International Trade.
Was SLSFTA a “Cleverly negotiated Free Trade Agreement” as stated by the (former) Minister of Development Strategies and International Trade Malik Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate on the SLSFTA in July 2018, or a colossal blunder covered up with lies, false promises, and fairy tales? After SLSFTA was signed there were a number of fairy tales published on this agreement by the Ministry of Development Strategies and International, Institute of Policy Studies, and others.
However, for this article, I would like to limit my comments to the speech by Minister Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate, and the two most important areas in the agreement which were covered up with lies, fairy tales, and false promises, namely: revenue loss for Sri Lanka and Investment from Singapore. On the other important area, “Waste products dumping” I do not want to comment here as I have written extensively on the issue.
1. The revenue loss
During the Parliamentary Debate in July 2018, Minister Samarawickrama stated “…. let me reiterate that this FTA with Singapore has been very cleverly negotiated by us…. The liberalisation programme under this FTA has been carefully designed to have the least impact on domestic industry and revenue collection. We have included all revenue sensitive items in the negative list of items which will not be subject to removal of tariff. Therefore, 97.8% revenue from Customs duty is protected. Our tariff liberalisation will take place over a period of 12-15 years! In fact, the revenue earned through tariffs on goods imported from Singapore last year was Rs. 35 billion.
The revenue loss for over the next 15 years due to the FTA is only Rs. 733 million– which when annualised, on average, is just Rs. 51 million. That is just 0.14% per year! So anyone who claims the Singapore FTA causes revenue loss to the Government cannot do basic arithmetic! Mr. Speaker, in conclusion, I call on my fellow members of this House – don’t mislead the public with baseless criticism that is not grounded in facts. Don’t look at petty politics and use these issues for your own political survival.”
I was surprised to read the minister’s speech because an article published in January 2018 in “The Straits Times“, based on information released by the Singaporean Negotiators stated, “…. With the FTA, tariff savings for Singapore exports are estimated to hit $10 million annually“.
As the annual tariff savings (that is the revenue loss for Sri Lanka) calculated by the Singaporean Negotiators, Singaporean $ 10 million (Sri Lankan rupees 1,200 million in 2018) was way above the rupees’ 733 million revenue loss for 15 years estimated by the Sri Lankan negotiators, it was clear to any observer that one of the parties to the agreement had not done the basic arithmetic!
Six years later, according to a report published by “The Morning” newspaper, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) on 7th May 2024, Mr Samarawickrama’s chief trade negotiator K.J. Weerasinghehad had admitted “…. that forecasted revenue loss for the Government of Sri Lanka through the Singapore FTA is Rs. 450 million in 2023 and Rs. 1.3 billion in 2024.”
If these numbers are correct, as tariff liberalisation under the SLSFTA has just started, we will pass Rs 2 billion very soon. Then, the question is how Sri Lanka’s trade negotiators made such a colossal blunder. Didn’t they do their basic arithmetic? If they didn’t know how to do basic arithmetic they should have at least done their basic readings. For example, the headline of the article published in The Straits Times in January 2018 was “Singapore, Sri Lanka sign FTA, annual savings of $10m expected”.
Anyway, as Sri Lanka’s chief negotiator reiterated at the COPF meeting that “…. since 99% of the tariffs in Singapore have zero rates of duty, Sri Lanka has agreed on 80% tariff liberalisation over a period of 15 years while expecting Singapore investments to address the imbalance in trade,” let’s turn towards investment.
Investment from Singapore
In July 2018, speaking during the Parliamentary Debate on the FTA this is what Minister Malik Samarawickrama stated on investment from Singapore, “Already, thanks to this FTA, in just the past two-and-a-half months since the agreement came into effect we have received a proposal from Singapore for investment amounting to $ 14.8 billion in an oil refinery for export of petroleum products. In addition, we have proposals for a steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million), sugar refinery ($ 200 million). This adds up to more than $ 16.05 billion in the pipeline on these projects alone.
And all of these projects will create thousands of more jobs for our people. In principle approval has already been granted by the BOI and the investors are awaiting the release of land the environmental approvals to commence the project.
I request the Opposition and those with vested interests to change their narrow-minded thinking and join us to develop our country. We must always look at what is best for the whole community, not just the few who may oppose. We owe it to our people to courageously take decisions that will change their lives for the better.”
According to the media report I quoted earlier, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) Chief Negotiator Weerasinghe has admitted that Sri Lanka was not happy with overall Singapore investments that have come in the past few years in return for the trade liberalisation under the Singapore-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement. He has added that between 2021 and 2023 the total investment from Singapore had been around $162 million!
What happened to those projects worth $16 billion negotiated, thanks to the SLSFTA, in just the two-and-a-half months after the agreement came into effect and approved by the BOI? I do not know about the steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million) and sugar refinery ($ 200 million).
However, story of the multibillion-dollar investment in the Petroleum Refinery unfolded in a manner that would qualify it as the best fairy tale with false promises presented by our politicians and the officials, prior to 2019 elections.
Though many Sri Lankans got to know, through the media which repeatedly highlighted a plethora of issues surrounding the project and the questionable credentials of the Singaporean investor, the construction work on the Mirrijiwela Oil Refinery along with the cement factory began on the24th of March 2019 with a bang and Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and his ministers along with the foreign and local dignitaries laid the foundation stones.
That was few months before the 2019 Presidential elections. Inaugurating the construction work Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe said the projects will create thousands of job opportunities in the area and surrounding districts.
The oil refinery, which was to be built over 200 acres of land, with the capacity to refine 200,000 barrels of crude oil per day, was to generate US$7 billion of exports and create 1,500 direct and 3,000 indirect jobs. The construction of the refinery was to be completed in 44 months. Four years later, in August 2023 the Cabinet of Ministers approved the proposal presented by President Ranil Wickremesinghe to cancel the agreement with the investors of the refinery as the project has not been implemented! Can they explain to the country how much money was wasted to produce that fairy tale?
It is obvious that the President, ministers, and officials had made huge blunders and had deliberately misled the public and the parliament on the revenue loss and potential investment from SLSFTA with fairy tales and false promises.
As the president himself said, a country cannot be developed by making false promises or with fairy tales and these false promises and fairy tales had bankrupted the country. “Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet”.
(The writer, a specialist and an activist on trade and development issues . )