Features
SECRETARY MINISTRY OF EDUCATION, RETIREMENT AND BEYOND
by Eric. J. de Silva
The Ministry of Education was a totally new experience. When I called over at the Ministry to meet Mr. Ranil Wickremasinghe, the new minister, at the old colonial building at Malay Street in Colombo-2, he was candid enough to accept that things had not got better despite the political change at the Education Ministry, and that meant under the UNP administration which took over from its predecessor in 1977. He went on to say that I could make whatever changes that were necessary to rectify this situation and help the government to achieve the ultimate objective.
I was thus able to proceed to my room and take my seat without having any qualms about it. The discussions I had with Ministry officials and, wherever possible, with district officials showed in no uncertain terms that both at the center and the regions the Ministry was functioning at a pretty low level of efficiency and a thorough shake-up and appropriate remedial action seemed overdue.
This is what I set out to do with the fullest backing of the Minister. At my very first meeting with him, he made it clear that his priorities were to (i) re-organize the Ministry and make it a working outfit and (ii) prepare a White Paper on education reforms for the purpose of reaching some basic agreement with the general public. As far as re-organizing the Ministry was concerned he gave me a ‘carte blanche’ to pick the best possible team to man the key posts in the administration.
After a few days of deliberation and consultation with relevant persons both inside and outside the Ministry, I presented the Minister with a blueprint for a totally new structure for the Ministry with four divisions each under an Additional Secretary reporting to me. I suggested to bring into the Ministry several distinguished individuals – E.L. Wijemanne, M.B.C. Silva, and Neil Fernando – to head three of these divisions, towards which the Minister had no hesitation in giving his approval. Since Edward (E.L. Wijemanne) had already retired from service, he was offered the post of ‘Chief Adviser’ while others took up posts of Additional Secretary.
Thereafter, the Minister set up a number of Working Committees, involving the Ministries of Education, Higher Education and Youth Affairs, to prepare the contents of the White Paper on education reforms to be placed before Parliament and the people. An interesting feature in this exercise was the involvement of key officials associated with the formulation of the 1972 educational reforms in the drafting of the new proposals.
The 1972 reforms, despite being revolutionary and well-intentioned, had unfortunately fallen short in practice owing to their hasty implementation and the lack of prior public discussion, eventually becoming the subject of political controversy in the period leading to the 1977 General Elections.
Thus, the White Paper containing proposals for reforming general education, university education and tertiary (vocational, technical and professional) education was published in 1981 for public perusal and discussion, as White Papers are meant to do.
It contained a number of proposals relating to the formation of school clusters for better management, the diversification of university and tertiary-level courses, curriculum development, teachers’ service, administration of the education system and so on, making the White Paper a very comprehensive document that provided an excellent opportunity for agreement to be reached across the political divide. Unfortunately, this did not happen.
The UNP, while being in the opposition, had exploited public disaffection with the 1972 reforms to gain political advantage – and now it was the turn of their opponents, the constituent parties of the previous United Front government. The White Paper got caught up in what Dr. P. Udagama so aptly described as “Education in Sri Lanka is very much a political act and sometimes it is a party political act.” Much of the debate sparked off by the White Paper was based not on its contents but on hearsay and partisan political propaganda, including claims that it was an insidious attempt to make inroads into free education and introduce privatization through the backdoor as part of the open economy that the ruling party was wedded to.
There was very little informed discussion but an abundance of slogan shouting, highly charged political protests and street demonstrations, often fuelled by the JVP that had come out of its shell since the debacle it suffered in the early seventies.
With a General Election not too far away, Government MPs got cold feet and pressurized President J.R. Jayewardene not to proceed with the White Paper other than for a few non-controversial proposals. What this experience showed us was that even White Papers can get caught up in political hailstorms, instead of paving the way for rational discussion.
RETIREMENT FROM
GOVERNMENT SERVICE
AND BEYOND
Following my stint at the Ministry of Education, I went on a five-year period of leave from government service to serve as the Chief Technical Advisor for the ‘Quality Improvement of General Education’ project implemented by UNDP and UNESCO in the 1980s. The objective of this project was to introduce a new subject known as ‘Life Skills’ into the secondary school curriculum, which was to help students acquire a number of skills needed in day to day life as the name suggests; such as changing a light bulb, fixing a tyre puncture and so on.
Many distinguished individuals from the field of education, including Prof J. E. Jayasuriya, served as advisors to this project alongside foreign consultants. I was fortunate to have the services of a team of very committed professionals such as J.H.S. Tissera and D. S. Mettananda to assist me. Together, we developed the curriculum for the new subject, conducted a number of pilot programmes and implemented it in a phased-out manner. Although regrettably this subject is not taught in schools today, I believe it would have undoubtedly been useful to those students who had the opportunity to study it in school.
Thereafter, I returned to the public service to take up the position of Director at Sri Lanka Institute of Development Administration (SLIDA), the country’s premier training institute for the public service. It needs mention that this was a position I had held many years before, when the institution was called the Academy of Administrative Studies. I remained as the Director of SLIDA until my retirement from the service in 1990, upon which I engaged in an independent capacity in several projects both locally and overseas.
The first such project I took up post-retirement was to serve as the Senior Technical Adviser to a UN-ESCAP initiative, the Jakarta Plan of Action for Human Resource Development in Asia and the Pacific Region.
This appointment required me to reside in Bangkok for over two years, and marked the first time that I had lived overseas for such a long period. I was fortunate enough to secure accommodation at an apartment block where one of my close friends, Mr. Selvaratnam and his wife, also lived.
Immediately following this assignment, I undertook a short stint as the team leader of a UNDP Mission to evaluate the National Institute of Education in 1993, back in Sri Lanka.
The year 1993 bore witness to a dramatic upheaval in Sri Lankan political history with the assassination of President R. Premadasa. When Mr. Ranil Wickramasinghe – with whom I had worked closely during my time at the Ministry of Education – succeeded to the position of Prime Minister, he invited me in November 1993 to serve as an Advisor to him in my capacity as a retired government official.
At the time, Mr K.M. Abeysingha was serving as the Secretary to the Prime Minister. One of my responsibilities in this role was to coordinate the Development Secretaries’ meeting that was presided over by the PM, which facilitated the expediting of many development projects during this time. I held this position until September, 1994.
My involvement in educational policy did not end with the change of government as I was invited in May 1997 to take on the position of Director-General of the Education Reforms Implementation Unit, a separate unit set up by President Chandrika Kumaratunge for the purpose of fast-tracking the reforms proposed by the Presidential Task Force set up in 1996 with regard to improvements in general education. I held this position for a period slightly exceeding one year. More information on these reforms can be found in my book, Politics of Education Reform.
Sometime thereafter, together with Dr. G. Usvatte-Aratchi, Dr. W.M.K. Wijetunga, D.S. Mettananda and Dr. K.S.E. Jayatilleke, I convened an independent group of individuals interested in educational policy, which was named the Education Research and Study Group (ERSG). In 1999, the ERSG organized a policy dialogue on the subject of the Ministry’s proposal on the restructuring of schools, the proceedings of which were published and made available to Parliamentarians and the general public.
This discussion (which too can be found as an addendum in Politics of Education Reform) provided valuable insights on the education policy-making process in Sri Lanka, as well as arguments for and against the proposed restructuring. Suffice it to say that the restructuring proposal was abandoned by the Ministry soon thereafter.
Nearly five years later and having declined multiple opportunities offered to me from time to time, I finally accepted the position of Adviser to the Ministry of Policy Development and Implementation in April 2003, which was to be my last formal engagement in policy matters. During the next one year up to April 2004, I served as the Convener of the Steering Committee on Human Resources Development under the Regaining Sri Lanka initiative spearheaded by Mr Ranil Wickramasinghe in his second period as Prime Minister.
The committee consisted of a number of individuals from diverse backgrounds of expertise, such as well-known academics and representatives of the private sector. Thus ended my 45-year spell in public service and administration.
by Dr Gotabhya Ranasinghe
Senior Consultant Cardiologist
National Hospital Sri Lanka
When we sought a meeting with Hon Dr. Ramesh Pathirana, Minister of Health, he graciously cleared his busy schedule to accommodate us. Renowned for his attentive listening and deep understanding, Minister Pathirana is dedicated to advancing the health sector. His openness and transparency exemplify the qualities of an exemplary politician and minister.
Dr. Palitha Mahipala, the current Health Secretary, demonstrates both commendable enthusiasm and unwavering support. This combination of attributes makes him a highly compatible colleague for the esteemed Minister of Health.
Our discussion centered on a project that has been in the works for the past 30 years, one that no other minister had managed to advance.
Minister Pathirana, however, recognized the project’s significance and its potential to revolutionize care for heart patients.
The project involves the construction of a state-of-the-art facility at the premises of the National Hospital Colombo. The project’s location within the premises of the National Hospital underscores its importance and relevance to the healthcare infrastructure of the nation.
This facility will include a cardiology building and a tertiary care center, equipped with the latest technology to handle and treat all types of heart-related conditions and surgeries.
Securing funding was a major milestone for this initiative. Minister Pathirana successfully obtained approval for a $40 billion loan from the Asian Development Bank. With the funding in place, the foundation stone is scheduled to be laid in September this year, and construction will begin in January 2025.
This project guarantees a consistent and uninterrupted supply of stents and related medications for heart patients. As a result, patients will have timely access to essential medical supplies during their treatment and recovery. By securing these critical resources, the project aims to enhance patient outcomes, minimize treatment delays, and maintain the highest standards of cardiac care.
Upon its fruition, this monumental building will serve as a beacon of hope and healing, symbolizing the unwavering dedication to improving patient outcomes and fostering a healthier society.We anticipate a future marked by significant progress and positive outcomes in Sri Lanka’s cardiovascular treatment landscape within the foreseeable timeframe.
by Fr. Emmanuel Fernando, OMI
Jesuit Fr. Aloysius Pieris (affectionately called Fr. Aloy) celebrated his 90th birthday on April 9, 2024 and I, as the editor of our Oblate Journal, THE MISSIONARY OBLATE had gone to press by that time. Immediately I decided to publish an article, appreciating the untiring selfless services he continues to offer for inter-Faith dialogue, the renewal of the Catholic Church, his concern for the poor and the suffering Sri Lankan masses and to me, the present writer.
It was in 1988, when I was appointed Director of the Oblate Scholastics at Ampitiya by the then Oblate Provincial Fr. Anselm Silva, that I came to know Fr. Aloy more closely. Knowing well his expertise in matters spiritual, theological, Indological and pastoral, and with the collaborative spirit of my companion-formators, our Oblate Scholastics were sent to Tulana, the Research and Encounter Centre, Kelaniya, of which he is the Founder-Director, for ‘exposure-programmes’ on matters spiritual, biblical, theological and pastoral. Some of these dimensions according to my view and that of my companion-formators, were not available at the National Seminary, Ampitiya.
Ever since that time, our Oblate formators/ accompaniers at the Oblate Scholasticate, Ampitiya , have continued to send our Oblate Scholastics to Tulana Centre for deepening their insights and convictions regarding matters needed to serve the people in today’s context. Fr. Aloy also had tried very enthusiastically with the Oblate team headed by Frs. Oswald Firth and Clement Waidyasekara to begin a Theologate, directed by the Religious Congregations in Sri Lanka, for the contextual formation/ accompaniment of their members. It should very well be a desired goal of the Leaders / Provincials of the Religious Congregations.
Besides being a formator/accompanier at the Oblate Scholasticate, I was entrusted also with the task of editing and publishing our Oblate journal, ‘The Missionary Oblate’. To maintain the quality of the journal I continue to depend on Fr. Aloy for his thought-provoking and stimulating articles on Biblical Spirituality, Biblical Theology and Ecclesiology. I am very grateful to him for his generous assistance. Of late, his writings on renewal of the Church, initiated by Pope St. John XX111 and continued by Pope Francis through the Synodal path, published in our Oblate journal, enable our readers to focus their attention also on the needed renewal in the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka. Fr. Aloy appreciated very much the Synodal path adopted by the Jesuit Pope Francis for the renewal of the Church, rooted very much on prayerful discernment. In my Religious and presbyteral life, Fr.Aloy continues to be my spiritual animator / guide and ongoing formator / acccompanier.
Fr. Aloysius Pieris, BA Hons (Lond), LPh (SHC, India), STL (PFT, Naples), PhD (SLU/VC), ThD (Tilburg), D.Ltt (KU), has been one of the eminent Asian theologians well recognized internationally and one who has lectured and held visiting chairs in many universities both in the West and in the East. Many members of Religious Congregations from Asian countries have benefited from his lectures and guidance in the East Asian Pastoral Institute (EAPI) in Manila, Philippines. He had been a Theologian consulted by the Federation of Asian Bishops’ Conferences for many years. During his professorship at the Gregorian University in Rome, he was called to be a member of a special group of advisers on other religions consulted by Pope Paul VI.
Fr. Aloy is the author of more than 30 books and well over 500 Research Papers. Some of his books and articles have been translated and published in several countries. Among those books, one can find the following: 1) The Genesis of an Asian Theology of Liberation (An Autobiographical Excursus on the Art of Theologising in Asia, 2) An Asian Theology of Liberation, 3) Providential Timeliness of Vatican 11 (a long-overdue halt to a scandalous millennium, 4) Give Vatican 11 a chance, 5) Leadership in the Church, 6) Relishing our faith in working for justice (Themes for study and discussion), 7) A Message meant mainly, not exclusively for Jesuits (Background information necessary for helping Francis renew the Church), 8) Lent in Lanka (Reflections and Resolutions, 9) Love meets wisdom (A Christian Experience of Buddhism, 10) Fire and Water 11) God’s Reign for God’s poor, 12) Our Unhiddden Agenda (How we Jesuits work, pray and form our men). He is also the Editor of two journals, Vagdevi, Journal of Religious Reflection and Dialogue, New Series.
Fr. Aloy has a BA in Pali and Sanskrit from the University of London and a Ph.D in Buddhist Philosophy from the University of Sri Lankan, Vidyodaya Campus. On Nov. 23, 2019, he was awarded the prestigious honorary Doctorate of Literature (D.Litt) by the Chancellor of the University of Kelaniya, the Most Venerable Welamitiyawe Dharmakirthi Sri Kusala Dhamma Thera.
Fr. Aloy continues to be a promoter of Gospel values and virtues. Justice as a constitutive dimension of love and social concern for the downtrodden masses are very much noted in his life and work. He had very much appreciated the commitment of the late Fr. Joseph (Joe) Fernando, the National Director of the Social and Economic Centre (SEDEC) for the poor.
In Sri Lanka, a few religious Congregations – the Good Shepherd Sisters, the Christian Brothers, the Marist Brothers and the Oblates – have invited him to animate their members especially during their Provincial Congresses, Chapters and International Conferences. The mainline Christian Churches also have sought his advice and followed his seminars. I, for one, regret very much, that the Sri Lankan authorities of the Catholic Church –today’s Hierarchy—- have not sought Fr.
Aloy’s expertise for the renewal of the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka and thus have not benefited from the immense store of wisdom and insight that he can offer to our local Church while the Sri Lankan bishops who governed the Catholic church in the immediate aftermath of the Second Vatican Council (Edmund Fernando OMI, Anthony de Saram, Leo Nanayakkara OSB, Frank Marcus Fernando, Paul Perera,) visited him and consulted him on many matters. Among the Tamil Bishops, Bishop Rayappu Joseph was keeping close contact with him and Bishop J. Deogupillai hosted him and his team visiting him after the horrible Black July massacre of Tamils.
Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement
By Gomi Senadhira
senadhiragomi@gmail.com
“You might tell fairy tales, but the progress of a country cannot be achieved through such narratives. A country cannot be developed by making false promises. The country moved backward because of the electoral promises made by political parties throughout time. We have witnessed that the ultimate result of this is the country becoming bankrupt. Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet.” – President Ranil Wickremesinghe, 2024 Budget speech
Any Sri Lankan would agree with the above words of President Wickremesinghe on the false promises our politicians and officials make and the fairy tales they narrate which bankrupted this country. So, to understand this, let’s look at one such fairy tale with lots of false promises; Ranil Wickremesinghe’s greatest achievement in the area of international trade and investment promotion during the Yahapalana period, Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement (SLSFTA).
It is appropriate and timely to do it now as Finance Minister Wickremesinghe has just presented to parliament a bill on the National Policy on Economic Transformation which includes the establishment of an Office for International Trade and the Sri Lanka Institute of Economics and International Trade.
Was SLSFTA a “Cleverly negotiated Free Trade Agreement” as stated by the (former) Minister of Development Strategies and International Trade Malik Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate on the SLSFTA in July 2018, or a colossal blunder covered up with lies, false promises, and fairy tales? After SLSFTA was signed there were a number of fairy tales published on this agreement by the Ministry of Development Strategies and International, Institute of Policy Studies, and others.
However, for this article, I would like to limit my comments to the speech by Minister Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate, and the two most important areas in the agreement which were covered up with lies, fairy tales, and false promises, namely: revenue loss for Sri Lanka and Investment from Singapore. On the other important area, “Waste products dumping” I do not want to comment here as I have written extensively on the issue.
1. The revenue loss
During the Parliamentary Debate in July 2018, Minister Samarawickrama stated “…. let me reiterate that this FTA with Singapore has been very cleverly negotiated by us…. The liberalisation programme under this FTA has been carefully designed to have the least impact on domestic industry and revenue collection. We have included all revenue sensitive items in the negative list of items which will not be subject to removal of tariff. Therefore, 97.8% revenue from Customs duty is protected. Our tariff liberalisation will take place over a period of 12-15 years! In fact, the revenue earned through tariffs on goods imported from Singapore last year was Rs. 35 billion.
The revenue loss for over the next 15 years due to the FTA is only Rs. 733 million– which when annualised, on average, is just Rs. 51 million. That is just 0.14% per year! So anyone who claims the Singapore FTA causes revenue loss to the Government cannot do basic arithmetic! Mr. Speaker, in conclusion, I call on my fellow members of this House – don’t mislead the public with baseless criticism that is not grounded in facts. Don’t look at petty politics and use these issues for your own political survival.”
I was surprised to read the minister’s speech because an article published in January 2018 in “The Straits Times“, based on information released by the Singaporean Negotiators stated, “…. With the FTA, tariff savings for Singapore exports are estimated to hit $10 million annually“.
As the annual tariff savings (that is the revenue loss for Sri Lanka) calculated by the Singaporean Negotiators, Singaporean $ 10 million (Sri Lankan rupees 1,200 million in 2018) was way above the rupees’ 733 million revenue loss for 15 years estimated by the Sri Lankan negotiators, it was clear to any observer that one of the parties to the agreement had not done the basic arithmetic!
Six years later, according to a report published by “The Morning” newspaper, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) on 7th May 2024, Mr Samarawickrama’s chief trade negotiator K.J. Weerasinghehad had admitted “…. that forecasted revenue loss for the Government of Sri Lanka through the Singapore FTA is Rs. 450 million in 2023 and Rs. 1.3 billion in 2024.”
If these numbers are correct, as tariff liberalisation under the SLSFTA has just started, we will pass Rs 2 billion very soon. Then, the question is how Sri Lanka’s trade negotiators made such a colossal blunder. Didn’t they do their basic arithmetic? If they didn’t know how to do basic arithmetic they should have at least done their basic readings. For example, the headline of the article published in The Straits Times in January 2018 was “Singapore, Sri Lanka sign FTA, annual savings of $10m expected”.
Anyway, as Sri Lanka’s chief negotiator reiterated at the COPF meeting that “…. since 99% of the tariffs in Singapore have zero rates of duty, Sri Lanka has agreed on 80% tariff liberalisation over a period of 15 years while expecting Singapore investments to address the imbalance in trade,” let’s turn towards investment.
Investment from Singapore
In July 2018, speaking during the Parliamentary Debate on the FTA this is what Minister Malik Samarawickrama stated on investment from Singapore, “Already, thanks to this FTA, in just the past two-and-a-half months since the agreement came into effect we have received a proposal from Singapore for investment amounting to $ 14.8 billion in an oil refinery for export of petroleum products. In addition, we have proposals for a steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million), sugar refinery ($ 200 million). This adds up to more than $ 16.05 billion in the pipeline on these projects alone.
And all of these projects will create thousands of more jobs for our people. In principle approval has already been granted by the BOI and the investors are awaiting the release of land the environmental approvals to commence the project.
I request the Opposition and those with vested interests to change their narrow-minded thinking and join us to develop our country. We must always look at what is best for the whole community, not just the few who may oppose. We owe it to our people to courageously take decisions that will change their lives for the better.”
According to the media report I quoted earlier, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) Chief Negotiator Weerasinghe has admitted that Sri Lanka was not happy with overall Singapore investments that have come in the past few years in return for the trade liberalisation under the Singapore-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement. He has added that between 2021 and 2023 the total investment from Singapore had been around $162 million!
What happened to those projects worth $16 billion negotiated, thanks to the SLSFTA, in just the two-and-a-half months after the agreement came into effect and approved by the BOI? I do not know about the steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million) and sugar refinery ($ 200 million).
However, story of the multibillion-dollar investment in the Petroleum Refinery unfolded in a manner that would qualify it as the best fairy tale with false promises presented by our politicians and the officials, prior to 2019 elections.
Though many Sri Lankans got to know, through the media which repeatedly highlighted a plethora of issues surrounding the project and the questionable credentials of the Singaporean investor, the construction work on the Mirrijiwela Oil Refinery along with the cement factory began on the24th of March 2019 with a bang and Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and his ministers along with the foreign and local dignitaries laid the foundation stones.
That was few months before the 2019 Presidential elections. Inaugurating the construction work Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe said the projects will create thousands of job opportunities in the area and surrounding districts.
The oil refinery, which was to be built over 200 acres of land, with the capacity to refine 200,000 barrels of crude oil per day, was to generate US$7 billion of exports and create 1,500 direct and 3,000 indirect jobs. The construction of the refinery was to be completed in 44 months. Four years later, in August 2023 the Cabinet of Ministers approved the proposal presented by President Ranil Wickremesinghe to cancel the agreement with the investors of the refinery as the project has not been implemented! Can they explain to the country how much money was wasted to produce that fairy tale?
It is obvious that the President, ministers, and officials had made huge blunders and had deliberately misled the public and the parliament on the revenue loss and potential investment from SLSFTA with fairy tales and false promises.
As the president himself said, a country cannot be developed by making false promises or with fairy tales and these false promises and fairy tales had bankrupted the country. “Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet”.
(The writer, a specialist and an activist on trade and development issues . )
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