Opinion
Rediscovering Lumbini: Birth place of Prince Siduhath – Part II
by Geewananda Gunawardana,
Ph.D.
Part one of this article appeared yesterday (22 April 2024)
The border area between Nepal and India known as the Tarai was a no-man’s land, particularly avoided by
Europeans due to risk of catching ‘Tarai fever,’ and only frequented by a few aboriginal people and hunting parties. On a hunting trip, Nepali official, Major Jaskaran Singh was told about a stone pillar near the village of Nigliva by the locals, and upon inspection he found an inscription on it. When the Nepali government asked for assistance to investigate it, Dr Lawrence Waddell instructed Dr Alois Fuhrer to assist them. Fuhrer made a rubbing of the inscription and sent it to his mentor in Germany for a translation. Waddell kept asking Fuhrer for a report but never got a response, until he saw a publication in a European journal three years later. The inscription identified the monument as the stupa of Buddha Konakamana, but Fuhrer failed to recognise its significance. Waddell knew this as the place near Kapilavastu mentioned in Chinese records, and using it as a reference, he estimated the location of Lumbini. However, Waddell failed to get government attention, and ended up publishing his findings in a Calcutta newspaper.
This publication received widespread attention, and the Bengali government finally allocated limited funds, obtained Nepali government authorisation, and assigned Fuhrer to carry out the field work. Not only did Fuhrer fail to find Lumbini, but he also ended up committing another major forgery.
In the year 1885, a local property owner, Duncan Rikketts, informed Vincent Smith, the city judge of Gorakhpur at the time, of a pillar found in his property near the village of Rummindei. Both Waddell and Smith had known about the inscription on this pillar, but the newfound evidence prompted Waddell to ask a British resident in Kathmandu to alert the Nepali team assigned to help find Lumbini. This prompted General Khadga Shamshar Jang Rana to take his team to the site and start excavations in the presence of Duncan Rikketts. The excavation uncovered a pillar 24ft high standing on a masonry platform bearing an inscription. According to Smith/Rikketts reports, Fuhrer arrived after the inscription was uncovered and made a copy. The inscription in Asokan Brahmi read:
King Piyadasi, beloved of the Devas, when anointed twenty years, came to this spot, and worshiped, saying, ‘Here was Sakyamuni born,’ and caused a stone pillar to be erected testifying ‘Here in the Lummini village was the Honourable One born.’
This could have been the final proof for the location of this all-important site, and an occasion for celebration. However, the unfortunate involvement of the unscrupulous figure Fuhrer cast doubt in some scholars’ minds about the authenticity of the inscription. Seeing the pristine condition of the inscription, and knowing Fuhrer’s reputation, some even suggested that Fuhrer may have carved the inscription himself. Others argue that he did not have sufficient in-depth knowledge of Brahmi script to accomplish that feat. Five months later, a life-size bas-relief depicting Queen Maya giving birth was found in a nearby Hindu temple providing credence to the identity of the place. Clearly, Fuhrer did not have any stone carving skills.
No further exploration or restoration took place at Lumbini for another half a century. The access to foreigners was restricted by Nepali rulers, but a German Indologist named Ernst Waldschmidt secretly visited the place in 1933. He described the place as neglected and overgrown with scattered excavations – the remnants of Sir Kaiser Shumsher’s work in 1939, and a crude but well-kept shrine built with old materials sheltering the bas-relief of the ‘nativity scene.’ In 1952, after a change in the Nepalese government, Giuseppe Tucci, a Western scholar, was allowed to visit the site. There was no proper road leading to the site and he had to ride an elephant. The site had been cleared and fields were growing in the surrounding area. He observed that the Asokan Pillar was split down the middle, likely due to a lightning strike.
Things changed in 1955 while preparing for the 2500th anniversary of the birth of Buddha the following year. King Mahendra, at the behest of Indian Prime Minister Nehru, made many improvements to public facilities, and became the first ever Nepalese king to visit Lumbini. Mahabodhi Society and the Newar community guided by Venerable Dhammaloka Mahathero, facilitated the development of Lumbini as a Buddhist pilgrimage site. This effort was continued by Aniruddha Mahathero, who studied at the Vidyalankara Pirivena and became fluent in many languages, by bringing alone Buddhists from other countries, especially from Tibet and Japan. Waldschmidt visited the site again in 1958, the same year that the Gautam Buddh Airport was opened in neighboring Siddharthanagar, formerly Bhairahawa. He described the place as barren and ordinary, without a trace of the beautiful grove of sal trees (Shorea robusta) described in the texts and was concerned about the way the antiquities were overlooked during the development work.
In 1967, U Thant, a Buddhist himself and the secretary general of the UN, visited the site. He was distressed by the desolate nature of the place and set up a UN committee to turn Lumbini into an international centre for peace. In 1968, UNESCO and UNDP got involved with restoration and development work and hired the Japanese architect, Kenzo Tange, famous for designing the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum to draw up plans. Lumbini was listed as a UNESCO World Heritage site in 1997.
Concerned with the impact of increased tourist and pilgrim visits and shortsighted restoration work on the antiquities, Nepal government and UNESCO jointly developed a three-year master plan to preserve and protect antiquities from future developments. This was supported by the Japanese Funds-in-Trust for UNESCO led by Professor Yukio Nishimura of Tokyo University. A team directed by Robin Coningham and Kosh Prasad Acharya was assigned to do the work.
It is well known that sites of religious importance were continuously restored and maintained by the devotees or rulers throughout history. Emperor Asoka had undertaken a massive project to restore all known Buddhist sites throughout India during his reign from 274 to 232 BCE. In modern archaeological excavations, Asoka’s constructions are considered as a landmark referred to as the Mauryan Horizon. In general, excavations would continue through post-Asokan construction layers, but would not go beyond the Mauryan Horizon as inscriptions uncovered provided definite information of the site’s history. However, in the case of Lumbini, a consensus was reached among all parties involved that excavation work may continue beyond this limit.
As expected, the archaeologists discovered several layers of construction beneath the Asokan brick foundation, the Mauryan Horizon. It became apparent that all older structures were built surrounding an empty space that was free of construction or debris. Beneath several layers of brick work, consisting of cardinally oriented curbs and platforms built around an irregular ‘Marker Stone’, they encountered the evidence of a wooden structure, and roof tiles. Based on sculptural depictions found at Bharhut, Sanchi, Bodh Gaya, Mathura, and Amravati, the archaeologist determined that what they were uncovering was the remnants of a wooden structure built around a living tree, referred to as bodhigara. Evidence for such structures were found in Sri Lanka as well, and Robert Knox had described them in his book, An Historical Relation of the Island Ceylon. In the empty space surrounded by these structures was found evidence for the presence of a tree at some point in the past.
The layer containing the potholes of the wooden structure dated to the 6th century BCE when analysed using carbon-14 and optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) techniques. This finding has significant implications on a long-standing scholarly debate: Even though the Theravada tradition stands firmly that the Parinirvana occurred in 543 BCE, the texts provide contradictory dates for it. Emperor Asoka’s consecration in the year 268 or 267 BCE is the reference point used by all documents and historians. Deepavamsa places Asoka consecration 118 years after Parinirvana whereas Atthasalini records it as 218 years. The Chinese version of Samantapasadika also places it or 118 years after it, but the Chinese “dotted record” tradition tabulates it to be 218 years. On the other hand, all Sanskrit documents place it 100 years after Parinirvana. Therefore, two chronologies -long and short – can be attested to this event based on texts. The significance of the scientific dating of the wooden structure to 6th century BCE is that it gives credence to the long chronology favoring the Theravada tradition that Prince Siduhath was born in the year 623 BCE.
The excavation by Coningham and Acharya allows for the reconstruction of the history of this most important Buddhist site. The strip of land south of the lower Himalayas spreading between Yamuna on the west and Brahmaputra River on the east is known as the Terai region, meaning the moist land. The dominant tree of the forest is the sal tree (Shorea robusta). This is not the cannon ball tree (Couroupita guianensis) that is ubiquitously found in Sri Lankan temple murals depicting the birth of Prince Siduhath. The excavation found evidence for agricultural activity around the site before the wooden structure was built. There may have been settlements or towns, and perhaps roads or trade routes connecting Kapilavastu and Devdaha. This may be the reason for Maya Devi and her entourage to take a longer Southern route to Devdaha from Kapilavastu instead of a shorter northern route. Perhaps, the marker stone was placed on the spot shortly after the event, and the wooden structure was built around the tree after the enlightenment, or the Parinirvana. By the time Emperor Asoka visited, the wooden structure may have disappeared, leaving only the marker stone. No wonder that Asoka broke down in tears, just as U Thant did two millennia later, upon seeing the site.
References: R. E. A. Coningham, Antiquity 87 (2013): 1104–1123; Charles Allen, The Search for the Buddha (2002); Etienne Lamotte, History of Indian Buddhism (1988); David Jackson, Eds. F.-K. Ehrhard and Petra Maurer (2013) Nepalica-Tibetica, vol. 1, pp. 295-314.
by Dr B.J.C.Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paed), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin),
FRCP(Lon), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
Joint Editor, Sri Lanka Journal of Child Health
In an age of unprecedented global development, technological advancements, universal connectivity, and improvements in living standards in many areas of the world, it is a very dark irony that child food poverty remains a pressing issue. UNICEF defines child food poverty as children’s inability to access and consume a nutritious and diverse diet in early childhood. Despite the planet Earth’s undisputed capacity to produce enough food to nourish everyone, millions of children still go hungry each day. We desperately need to explore the multifaceted deleterious effects of child food poverty, on physical health, cognitive development, emotional well-being, and societal impacts and then try to formulate a road map to alleviate its deleterious effects.
Every day, right across the world, millions of parents and families are struggling to provide nutritious and diverse foods that young children desperately need to reach their full potential. Growing inequities, conflict, and climate crises, combined with rising food prices, the overabundance of unhealthy foods, harmful food marketing strategies and poor child-feeding practices, are condemning millions of children to child food poverty.
In a communique dated 06th June 2024, UNICEF reports that globally, 1 in 4 children; approximately 181 million under the age of five, live in severe child food poverty, defined as consuming at most, two of eight food groups in early childhood. These children are up to 50 per cent more likely to suffer from life-threatening malnutrition. Child Food Poverty: Nutrition Deprivation in Early Childhood – the third issue of UNICEF’s flagship Child Nutrition Report – highlights that millions of young children are unable to access and consume the nutritious and diverse diets that are essential for their growth and development in early childhood and beyond.
It is highlighted in the report that four out of five children experiencing severe child food poverty are fed only breastmilk or just some other milk and/or a starchy staple, such as maize, rice or wheat. Less than 10 per cent of these children are fed fruits and vegetables and less than 5 per cent are fed nutrient-dense foods such as eggs, fish, poultry, or meat. These are horrendous statistics that should pull at the heartstrings of the discerning populace of this world.
The report also identifies the drivers of child food poverty. Strikingly, though 46 per cent of all cases of severe child food poverty are among poor households where income poverty is likely to be a major driver, 54 per cent live in relatively wealthier households, among whom poor food environments and feeding practices are the main drivers of food poverty in early childhood.
One of the most immediate and visible effects of child food poverty is its detrimental impact on physical health. Malnutrition, which can result from both insufficient calorie intake and lack of essential nutrients, is a prevalent consequence. Chronic undernourishment during formative years leads to stunted growth, weakened immune systems, and increased susceptibility to infections and diseases. Children who do not receive adequate nutrition are more likely to suffer from conditions such as anaemia, rickets, and developmental delays.
Moreover, the lack of proper nutrition can have long-term health consequences. Malnourished children are at a higher risk of developing chronic illnesses such as heart disease, diabetes, and obesity later in life. The paradox of child food poverty is that it can lead to both undernutrition and overnutrition, with children in food-insecure households often consuming calorie-dense but nutrient-poor foods due to economic constraints. This dietary pattern increases the risk of obesity, creating a vicious cycle of poor health outcomes.
The impacts of child food poverty extend beyond physical health, severely affecting cognitive development and educational attainment. Adequate nutrition is crucial for brain development, particularly in the early years of life. Malnutrition can impair cognitive functions such as attention, memory, and problem-solving skills. Studies have consistently shown that malnourished children perform worse academically compared to their well-nourished peers. Inadequate nutrition during early childhood can lead to reduced school readiness and lower IQ scores. These children often struggle to concentrate in school, miss more days due to illness, and have lower overall academic performance. This educational disadvantage perpetuates the cycle of poverty, as lower educational attainment reduces future employment opportunities and earning potential.
The emotional and psychological effects of child food poverty are profound and are often overlooked. Food insecurity creates a constant state of stress and anxiety for both children and their families. The uncertainty of not knowing when or where the next meal will come from can lead to feelings of helplessness and despair. Children in food-insecure households are more likely to experience behavioural problems, including hyperactivity, aggression, and withdrawal. The stigma associated with poverty and hunger can further exacerbate these emotional challenges. Children who experience food poverty may feel shame and embarrassment, leading to social isolation and reduced self-esteem. This psychological toll can have lasting effects, contributing to mental health issues such as depression and anxiety in adolescence and adulthood.
Child food poverty also perpetuates cycles of poverty and inequality. Children who grow up in food-insecure households are more likely to remain in poverty as adults, continuing the intergenerational transmission of disadvantage. This cycle of poverty exacerbates social disparities, contributing to increased crime rates, reduced social cohesion, and greater reliance on social welfare programmes. The repercussions of child food poverty ripple through society, creating economic and social challenges that affect everyone. The healthcare costs associated with treating malnutrition-related illnesses and chronic diseases are substantial. Additionally, the educational deficits linked to child food poverty result in a less skilled workforce, which hampers economic growth and productivity.
Addressing child food poverty requires a multi-faceted approach that tackles both immediate needs and underlying causes. Policy interventions are crucial in ensuring that all children have access to adequate nutrition. This can include expanding social safety nets, such as food assistance programmes and school meal initiatives, as well as targeted manoeuvres to reach more vulnerable families. Ensuring that these programmes are adequately funded and effectively implemented is essential for their success.
In addition to direct food assistance, broader economic and social policies are needed to address the root causes of poverty. This includes efforts to increase household incomes through living wage policies, job training programs, and economic development initiatives. Supporting families with affordable childcare, healthcare, and housing can also alleviate some of the financial pressures that contribute to food insecurity.
Community-based initiatives play a vital role in combating child food poverty. Local food banks, community gardens, and nutrition education programmes can help provide immediate relief and promote long-term food security. Collaborative efforts between government, non-profits, and the private sector are necessary to create sustainable solutions.
Child food poverty is a profound and inescapable issue with far-reaching consequences. Its deleterious effects on physical health, cognitive development, emotional well-being, and societal stability underscore the urgent need for comprehensive action. As we strive for a more equitable and just world, addressing child food poverty must be a priority. By ensuring that all children have access to adequate nutrition, we can lay the foundation for a healthier, more prosperous future for individuals and society as a whole. The fight against child food poverty is not just a moral imperative but an investment in our collective future. Healthy, well-nourished children are more likely to grow into productive, contributing members of society. The benefits of addressing this issue extend beyond individual well-being, enhancing economic stability and social harmony. It is incumbent upon us all to recognize and act upon the understanding that every child deserves the right to adequate nutrition and the opportunity to thrive.
Despite all of these existent challenges, it is very definitely possible to end child food poverty. The world needs targeted interventions to transform food, health, and social protection systems, and also take steps to strengthen data systems to track progress in reducing child food poverty. All these manoeuvres must comprise a concerted effort towards making nutritious and diverse diets accessible and affordable to all. We need to call for child food poverty reduction to be recognized as a metric of success towards achieving global and national nutrition and development goals.
Material from UNICEF reports and AI assistance are acknowledged.
By Dr Upul Wijayawardhana
The colossal failure of not a single opinion poll predicting accurately the result of the Indian parliamentary election, the greatest exercise in democracy in the world, raises the question whether the importance of opinion polls is vastly exaggerated. During elections two types of opinion polls are conducted; one based on intentions to vote, published during or before the campaign, often being not very accurate as these are subject to many variables but exit polls, done after the voting where a sample tally of how the voters actually voted, are mostly accurate. However, of the 15 exit polls published soon after all the votes were cast in the massive Indian election, 13 vastly overpredicted the number of seats Modi’s BJP led coalition NDA would obtain, some giving a figure as high as 400, the number Modi claimed he is aiming for. The other two polls grossly underestimated predicting a hung parliament. The actual result is that NDA passed the threshold of 272 comfortably, there being no landslide. BJP by itself was not able to cross the threshold, a significant setback for an overconfident Mody! Whether this would result in less excesses on the part of Modi, like Muslim-bashing, remains to be seen. Anyway, the statement issued by BJP that they would be investigating the reasons for failure rather than blaming the process speaks very highly of the maturity of the democratic process in India.
I was intrigued by this failure of opinion polls as this differs dramatically from opinion polls in the UK. I never failed to watch ‘Election night specials’ on BBC; as the Big Ben strikes ‘ten’ (In the UK polls close at 10pm} the anchor comes out with “Exit polls predict that …” and the actual outcome is often almost as predicted. However, many a time opinion polls conducted during the campaign have got the predictions wrong. There are many explanations for this.
An opinion poll is defined as a research survey of public opinion from a particular sample, the origin of which can be traced back to the 1824 US presidential election, when two local newspapers in North Carolina and Delaware predicted the victory of Andrew Jackson but the sample was local. First national survey was done in 1916 by the magazine, Literary Digest, partly for circulation-raising, by mailing millions of postcards and counting the returns. Of course, this was not very scientific though it accurately predicted the election of Woodrow Wilson.
Since then, opinion polls have grown in extent and complexity with scientific methodology improving the outcome of predictions not only in elections but also in market research. As a result, some of these organisations have become big businesses. For instance, YouGov, an internet-based organisation co-founded by the Iraqi-born British politician Nadim Zahawi, based in London had a revenue of 258 million GBP in 2023.
In Sri Lanka, opinion polls seem to be conducted by only one organisation which, by itself, is a disadvantage, as pooled data from surveys conducted by many are more likely to reflect the true situation. Irrespective of the degree of accuracy, politicians seem to be dependent on the available data which lend explanations to the behaviour of some.
The Institute for Health Policy’s (IHP) Sri Lanka Opinion Tracker Survey has been tracking the voting intentions for the likely candidates for the Presidential election. At one stage the NPP/JVP leader AKD was getting a figure over 50%. This together with some degree of international acceptance made the JVP behave as if they are already in power, leading to some incidents where their true colour was showing.
The comments made by a prominent member of the JVP who claimed that the JVP killed only the riff-raff, raised many questions, in addition to being a total insult to many innocents killed by them including my uncle. Do they have the authority to do so? Do extra-judicial killings continue to be JVP policy? Do they consider anyone who disagrees with them riff-raff? Will they kill them simply because they do not comply like one of my admired teachers, Dr Gladys Jayawardena who was considered riff-raff because she, as the Chairman of the State Pharmaceutical Corporation, arranged to buy drugs cheaper from India? Is it not the height of hypocrisy that AKD is now boasting of his ties to India?
Another big-wig comes with the grand idea of devolving law and order to village level. As stated very strongly, in the editorial “Pledges and reality” (The Island, 20 May) is this what they intend to do: Have JVP kangaroo-courts!
Perhaps, as a result of these incidents AKD’s ratings has dropped to 39%, according to the IHP survey done in April, and Sajith Premadasa’s ratings have increased gradually to match that. Whilst they are level pegging Ranil is far behind at 13%. Is this the reason why Ranil is getting his acolytes to propagate the idea that the best for the country is to extend his tenure by a referendum? He forced the postponement of Local Governments elections by refusing to release funds but he cannot do so for the presidential election for constitutional reasons. He is now looking for loopholes. Has he considered the distinct possibility that the referendum to extend the life of the presidency and the parliament if lost, would double the expenditure?
Unfortunately, this has been an exercise in futility and it would not be surprising if the next survey shows Ranil’s chances dropping even further! Perhaps, the best option available to Ranil is to retire gracefully, taking credit for steadying the economy and saving the country from an anarchic invasion of the parliament, rather than to leave politics in disgrace by coming third in the presidential election. Unless, of course, he is convinced that opinion polls do not matter and what matters is the ballots in the box!
By Prof. Kirthi Tennakone
ktenna@yahoo.co.uk
Thoughtfulness is the quality of being conscious of issues that arise and considering action while seeking explanations. It facilitates finding solutions to problems and judging experiences.
Almost all human accomplishments are consequences of thoughtfulness.
Can you perform day-to-day work efficiently and effectively without being thoughtful? Obviously, no. Are there any major advancements attained without thought and contemplation? Not a single example!
Science and technology, art, music and literary compositions and religion stand conspicuously as products of thought.
Thought could have sinister motives and the only way to eliminate them is through thought itself. Thought could distinguish right from wrong.
Empathy, love, amusement, and expression of sorrow are reflections of thought.
Thought relieves worries by understanding or taking decisive action.
Despite the universal virtue of thoughtfulness, some advocate an idea termed mindfulness, claiming the benefits of nurturing this quality to shape mental wellbeing. The concept is defined as focusing attention to the present moment without judgment. A way of forgetting the worries and calming the mind – a form of meditation. A definition coined in the West to decouple the concept from religion. The attitude could have a temporary advantage as a method of softening negative feelings such as sorrow and anger. However, no man or woman can afford to be non-judgmental all the time. It is incompatible with indispensable thoughtfulness! What is the advantage of diverting attention to one thing without discernment during a few tens of minute’s meditation? The instructors of mindfulness meditation tell you to focus attention on trivial things. Whereas in thoughtfulness, you concentrate the mind on challenging issues. Sometimes arriving at groundbreaking scientific discoveries, solution of mathematical problems or the creation of masterpieces in engineering, art, or literature.
The concept of meditation and mindfulness originated in ancient India around 1000 BCE. Vedic ascetics believed the practice would lead to supernatural powers enabling disclosure of the truth. Failing to meet the said aspiration, notwithstanding so many stories in scripture, is discernable. Otherwise, the world would have been awakened to advancement by ancient Indians before the Greeks. The latter culture emphasized thoughtfulness!
In India, Buddha was the first to deviate from the Vedic philosophy. His teachers, Alara Kalama and Uddaka Ramaputra, were adherents of meditation. Unconvinced of their approach, Buddha concluded a thoughtful analysis of the actualities of life should be the path to realisation. However, in an environment dominated by Vedic tradition, meditation residually persisted when Buddha’s teachings transformed into a religion.
In the early 1970s, a few in the West picked up meditation and mindfulness. We Easterners, who criticize Western ideas all the time, got exalted after seeing something Eastern accepted in the Western circles. Thereafter, Easterners took up the subject more seriously, in the spirit of its definition in the West.
Today, mindfulness has become a marketable commodity – a thriving business spreading worldwide, fueled largely by advertising. There are practice centres, lessons onsite and online, and apps for purchase. Articles written by gurus of the field appear on the web.
What attracts people to mindfulness programmes? Many assume them being stressed and depressed needs to improve their mental capacity. In most instances, these are minor complaints and for understandable reasons, they do not seek mainstream medical interventions but go for exaggeratedly advertised alternatives. Mainstream medical treatments are based on rigorous science and spell out both the pros and cons of the procedure, avoiding overstatement. Whereas the alternative sector makes unsubstantiated claims about the efficacy and effectiveness of the treatment.
Advocates of mindfulness claim the benefits of their prescriptions have been proven scientifically. There are reports (mostly in open-access journals which charge a fee for publication) indicating that authors have found positive aspects of mindfulness or identified reasons correlating the efficacy of such activities. However, they rarely meet standards normally required for unequivocal acceptance. The gold standard of scientific scrutiny is the statistically significant reproducibility of claims.
If a mindfulness guru claims his prescription of meditation cures hypertension, he must record the blood pressure of participants before and after completion of the activity and show the blood pressure of a large percentage has stably dropped and repeat the experiment with different clients. He must also conduct sessions where he adopts another prescription (a placebo) under the same conditions and compares the results. This is not enough, he must request someone else to conduct sessions following his prescription, to rule out the influence of the personality of the instructor.
The laity unaware of the above rigid requirements, accede to purported claims of mindfulness proponents.
A few years ago, an article published and widely cited stated that the practice of mindfulness increases the gray matter density of the brain. A more recent study found there is no such correlation. Popular expositions on the subject do not refer to the latter report. Most mindfulness research published seems to have been conducted intending to prove the benefits of the practice. The hard science demands doing the opposite as well-experiments carried out intending to disprove the claims. You need to be skeptical until things are firmly established.
Despite many efforts diverted to disprove Einstein’s General Theory of Relativity, no contradictions have been found in vain to date, strengthening the validity of the theory. Regarding mindfulness, as it stands, benefits can neither be proved nor disproved, to the gold standard of scientific scrutiny.
Some schools in foreign lands have accommodated mindfulness training programs hoping to develop the mental facility of students and Sri Lanka plans to follow. However, studies also reveal these exercises are ineffective or do more harm than good. Have we investigated this issue before imitation?
Should we force our children to focus attention on one single goal without judgment, even for a moment?
Why not allow young minds to roam wild in their deepest imagination and build castles in the air and encourage them to turn these fantasies into realities by nurturing their thoughtfulness?
Be more thoughtful than mindful?
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