Features
Ramifications of Kissinger’s Back Channels
A Balance Sheet for a Holocaust-Surviving Jewish Refugee Who Shaped the New World Order to ensure American Supremacy
by Nilantha Ilangamuwa
Henry Kissinger (1923-2023), architect of clandestine diplomacy, epitomized a life rich with profound lessons for humanity. As custodian of the United States’ archives, his influence extended beyond political realms, playing a pivotal role in orchestrating China’s rise in the Western economic landscape. Kissinger’s legacy is characterized by realist politics and an unwavering pursuit of a delicate balance of power. Unyielding in the face of criticism, Kissinger fearlessly wielded authority, leaving an indelible mark on global geopolitics. His passing creates a tapestry woven with both commendable and questionable actions, from reshaping the international order to navigating the complexities of realpolitik.
Born Heinz Kissinger in 1923 in Fürth, Bavaria, his family’s escape from the looming threat of Kristallnacht led them to New York. Rechristened Henry, his early aptitude for strategic thinking clashed with his initial leanings towards accountancy. Drafted into the U.S. Army in 1942, Kissinger’s formative years were shaped by German-American Fritz Kramer, whose mentorship warned against detached intellectualism.
In a 1958 interview, Kissinger unabashedly proclaimed, “A capitalist society, or, to me more interestingly, a free society, is a more revolutionary phenomenon than nineteenth-century socialism. I think we should go on the spiritual offensive.” This conviction, rooted in the unwavering belief in the American global mission, defines Kissinger’s controversial legacy. Among the immigrant influences shaping him, Hans Morgenthau, luminary of modern foreign policy realism, stood closest. Their professional rapport endured, but Morgenthau’s unwillingness to compromise realist principles for political gain became evident when dismissed from advising the Johnson administration over his opposition to the Vietnam War. Kissinger’s impact on global affairs, however, is marred by egregious actions—from the downfall of Chilean democracy to complicity in consolidating the Pinochet dictatorship, involvement in the Argentine military junta’s brutalities, betrayal of the Iraqi Kurds, and the extension of the Vietnam War to Laos and Cambodia—a portrait of a man entangled in a web of global suffering.
The epitaph of “war criminal” has been hurled at Kissinger, a label that gains credence in light of his involvement in heinous acts. Chef Anthony Bourdain’s visceral condemnation encapsulates the sentiment: “Once you’ve been to Cambodia, you’ll never stop wanting to beat Henry Kissinger barehanded… you’ll never understand why he’s not sitting in The Hague docks next to Milošević.” However, the distinction between political, moral, and historical responsibility for human suffering and strict legal culpability is a complex web. While it’s indisputable that Kissinger’s policies resulted in countless deaths, establishing legal responsibility is a nuanced challenge.
Consider the haunting case of East Timor, a canvas stained with the brushstrokes of Kissinger’s complicity. Post-Portuguese independence in 1975, Kissinger and President Ford granted Indonesian President Suharto a green light for invasion, a decision seemingly sealed during a Jakarta meeting. In this grim theatre of geopolitical maneuvering, Kissinger’s role as an architect of practical assistance becomes evident. The U.S., a ‘donor-client’ to Indonesia, supplied 90% of its military arsenal, reinforcing the umbilical tie between the two nations.
As the death toll in East Timor surged into the tens of thousands, Kissinger navigated legal loopholes with calculated finesse. Congressional constraints on weapons use against human rights violations became mere hurdles to sidestep. Kissinger’s actus reus was the practical assistance that fueled Indonesian crimes—a support system with a significant effect. The final report of the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation in East Timor labeled U.S. “political and military support” as fundamental to the invasion.
Unlike the case in Pakistan, concrete evidence of Kissinger’s real-time knowledge of ongoing atrocities remains elusive, a requirement to meet the mens rea standard. The isolation of East Timor, predicted by the CIA, facilitated Indonesia’s information blackout, shielding Kissinger from immediate knowledge. Yet, reports of looting, killing, and staggering death tolls reached the ears of diplomats, with testimonies from Indonesians. Whether Kissinger turned a blind eye or was deliberately kept in the dark remains an open question.
In dissecting Kissinger’s role, we confront a moral abyss where political expediency collided with human suffering. The legal intricacies may entangle us, but the undeniable reality persists—Kissinger’s hands bear the stain of aiding and abetting crimes against humanity. The echoes of East Timor resonate as a damning testament to the geopolitical calculus that prioritized strategic interests over the sanctity of human life. The secret bombings of Laos, the controversial Operation Speedy Express in Vietnam, and the sinister orchestration of Operation Condor in South America all stand as potential cases that cry out for scrutiny. Yet, astonishingly, Kissinger has never faced the piercing questions of a court regarding these egregious actions. The question lingers: Was Kissinger a statesman or a silent accomplice to unspeakable atrocities? What similarities exist in the legal nature of Henry Kissinger’s actions and those of Adolf Eichmann from Nazi Germany, who was later prosecuted in Israel after being captured in Argentina?
In 2004, however, a U.S. federal court dismissed a civil suit against Kissinger, filed by the family of Chilean Army Chief General René Schneider, killed in an alleged failed kidnapping attempt involving Kissinger. Subsequent attempts to hold him accountable were thwarted by political machinations and evasive maneuvers. Judges in Argentina, Chile, France, and Spain sought his testimony on crimes committed by U.S. client regimes in South America, but Kissinger, till his death, was able remains an elusive figure, evading the specter of justice. Even in London, his temporary refuge in 2002, British activist Peter Tatchell’s attempt to arrest him for charges related to the Vietnam War proved unsuccessful.
The most damning chapter unfolds in 1971 during the massacres in what is now Bangladesh, then the eastern part of Pakistan. Kissinger staunchly supported Pakistan’s military dictatorship, turning a blind eye to one of the Cold War’s worst atrocities. In the face of a “reign of terror,” Kissinger failed to intervene, neglecting to pressure Pakistani generals against shooting their own citizens or to advocate for power-sharing agreements. As Bengali nationalists won democratic elections and faced brutal repression, Kissinger chose not to employ U.S. influence to prevent the unfolding humanitarian catastrophe.
Ambassador Kenneth Keating’s warning of “almost entirely genocide” against Hindus fell on deaf ears, as Kissinger callously referred to the dying Bengalis with dismissive apathy in White House tapes. The genocide, a term he conveniently sidestepped, became an inconsequential detail in the grand theater of geopolitical maneuvering. His allegiance to Pakistani General Yahya Khan, manifested in jest about Hindu pogroms, laid bare the moral vacuum at the heart of Kissinger’s political calculus.
The scars of his decisions lingered as at least 200,000 lives were lost, and millions of Bengali refugees sought shelter in India, where disease ran rampant in overcrowded camps. As Pakistan attacked India in December 1971, the short but fierce war resulted in a humiliating defeat for Pakistan and the birth of an independent Bangladesh. The colossal failure of U.S. policy in the region during the Cold War was unmistakable.
Throughout the crisis, Kissinger’s disdain for the Indian people reached egregious heights. Condemning them as “trashy people” and blaming them for the refugee crisis, he wove a narrative of contempt that tainted his perception of an entire nation. His derogatory remarks on Indians, dripping with scorn, painted a picture of racial bias that contradicted the principles of diplomacy and international statesmanship.
Even as Kissinger berated Indians, his condescension extended to Pakistanis, branding them as “primitive” in their mental makeup. This sweeping judgment betrayed a deep-seated prejudice that transcended national boundaries, exposing a toxic mindset that permeated his decision-making.
In a disquieting psychological scrutiny, the looming specter of Hitler’s influence on Kissinger’s psyche surfaces. Without reducing his perspectives to mere trauma, stark parallels materialize in the Machiavellian stratagems employed by both titans, wielding power to subdue adversaries and sculpt political landscapes. Kissinger’s brazen proclamation, “the illegal we do immediately, the unconstitutional takes a bit longer,” stands as a chilling witness to the modus operandi that echoes the unrelenting ruthlessness of history’s darkest epochs.
In the twilight of his existence, however, Kissinger extensively delved into leadership strategies, compelling us to grapple with his “undeclared confessions” regarding his role in the missteps of his century. Reverberating the wisdom of the ancient Stoic philosopher Epictetus in his 2022 treatise on leadership, Kissinger reaffirmed, “We cannot choose our external circumstances, but we can always choose how we respond to them.” The mantle of leadership is to steer that choice, to kindle a collective response resonating with the indomitable spirit of a society poised to confront its challenges and carve its destiny.
Henry Kissinger, a figure both praised and critiqued, emerges from the annals of history as a complex architect of U.S. foreign policy. His legacy, sculpted in the crucible of geopolitical expediency, bears witness to a leader adept at navigating the intricate landscapes of power. The stark duality of Kissinger’s character is laid bare in his Machiavellian approach, where realpolitik trumped moral considerations. From his instrumental role in shaping China’s rise to his controversial stance during the South Asian crisis, Kissinger’s decisions, often veiled in secrecy, carried profound consequences.
In grappling with allegations of war crimes and ethical lapses, Kissinger’s legacy invites scrutiny, a cautionary tale of leadership that challenges the balance between strategic pragmatism and ethical responsibility. The echoes of his decisions reverberate as a nuanced portrait, forcing us to confront the moral complexities of a statesman whose actions unfolded in the shadows of history’s defining moments.
by Dr Gotabhya Ranasinghe
Senior Consultant Cardiologist
National Hospital Sri Lanka
When we sought a meeting with Hon Dr. Ramesh Pathirana, Minister of Health, he graciously cleared his busy schedule to accommodate us. Renowned for his attentive listening and deep understanding, Minister Pathirana is dedicated to advancing the health sector. His openness and transparency exemplify the qualities of an exemplary politician and minister.
Dr. Palitha Mahipala, the current Health Secretary, demonstrates both commendable enthusiasm and unwavering support. This combination of attributes makes him a highly compatible colleague for the esteemed Minister of Health.
Our discussion centered on a project that has been in the works for the past 30 years, one that no other minister had managed to advance.
Minister Pathirana, however, recognized the project’s significance and its potential to revolutionize care for heart patients.
The project involves the construction of a state-of-the-art facility at the premises of the National Hospital Colombo. The project’s location within the premises of the National Hospital underscores its importance and relevance to the healthcare infrastructure of the nation.
This facility will include a cardiology building and a tertiary care center, equipped with the latest technology to handle and treat all types of heart-related conditions and surgeries.
Securing funding was a major milestone for this initiative. Minister Pathirana successfully obtained approval for a $40 billion loan from the Asian Development Bank. With the funding in place, the foundation stone is scheduled to be laid in September this year, and construction will begin in January 2025.
This project guarantees a consistent and uninterrupted supply of stents and related medications for heart patients. As a result, patients will have timely access to essential medical supplies during their treatment and recovery. By securing these critical resources, the project aims to enhance patient outcomes, minimize treatment delays, and maintain the highest standards of cardiac care.
Upon its fruition, this monumental building will serve as a beacon of hope and healing, symbolizing the unwavering dedication to improving patient outcomes and fostering a healthier society.We anticipate a future marked by significant progress and positive outcomes in Sri Lanka’s cardiovascular treatment landscape within the foreseeable timeframe.
by Fr. Emmanuel Fernando, OMI
Jesuit Fr. Aloysius Pieris (affectionately called Fr. Aloy) celebrated his 90th birthday on April 9, 2024 and I, as the editor of our Oblate Journal, THE MISSIONARY OBLATE had gone to press by that time. Immediately I decided to publish an article, appreciating the untiring selfless services he continues to offer for inter-Faith dialogue, the renewal of the Catholic Church, his concern for the poor and the suffering Sri Lankan masses and to me, the present writer.
It was in 1988, when I was appointed Director of the Oblate Scholastics at Ampitiya by the then Oblate Provincial Fr. Anselm Silva, that I came to know Fr. Aloy more closely. Knowing well his expertise in matters spiritual, theological, Indological and pastoral, and with the collaborative spirit of my companion-formators, our Oblate Scholastics were sent to Tulana, the Research and Encounter Centre, Kelaniya, of which he is the Founder-Director, for ‘exposure-programmes’ on matters spiritual, biblical, theological and pastoral. Some of these dimensions according to my view and that of my companion-formators, were not available at the National Seminary, Ampitiya.
Ever since that time, our Oblate formators/ accompaniers at the Oblate Scholasticate, Ampitiya , have continued to send our Oblate Scholastics to Tulana Centre for deepening their insights and convictions regarding matters needed to serve the people in today’s context. Fr. Aloy also had tried very enthusiastically with the Oblate team headed by Frs. Oswald Firth and Clement Waidyasekara to begin a Theologate, directed by the Religious Congregations in Sri Lanka, for the contextual formation/ accompaniment of their members. It should very well be a desired goal of the Leaders / Provincials of the Religious Congregations.
Besides being a formator/accompanier at the Oblate Scholasticate, I was entrusted also with the task of editing and publishing our Oblate journal, ‘The Missionary Oblate’. To maintain the quality of the journal I continue to depend on Fr. Aloy for his thought-provoking and stimulating articles on Biblical Spirituality, Biblical Theology and Ecclesiology. I am very grateful to him for his generous assistance. Of late, his writings on renewal of the Church, initiated by Pope St. John XX111 and continued by Pope Francis through the Synodal path, published in our Oblate journal, enable our readers to focus their attention also on the needed renewal in the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka. Fr. Aloy appreciated very much the Synodal path adopted by the Jesuit Pope Francis for the renewal of the Church, rooted very much on prayerful discernment. In my Religious and presbyteral life, Fr.Aloy continues to be my spiritual animator / guide and ongoing formator / acccompanier.
Fr. Aloysius Pieris, BA Hons (Lond), LPh (SHC, India), STL (PFT, Naples), PhD (SLU/VC), ThD (Tilburg), D.Ltt (KU), has been one of the eminent Asian theologians well recognized internationally and one who has lectured and held visiting chairs in many universities both in the West and in the East. Many members of Religious Congregations from Asian countries have benefited from his lectures and guidance in the East Asian Pastoral Institute (EAPI) in Manila, Philippines. He had been a Theologian consulted by the Federation of Asian Bishops’ Conferences for many years. During his professorship at the Gregorian University in Rome, he was called to be a member of a special group of advisers on other religions consulted by Pope Paul VI.
Fr. Aloy is the author of more than 30 books and well over 500 Research Papers. Some of his books and articles have been translated and published in several countries. Among those books, one can find the following: 1) The Genesis of an Asian Theology of Liberation (An Autobiographical Excursus on the Art of Theologising in Asia, 2) An Asian Theology of Liberation, 3) Providential Timeliness of Vatican 11 (a long-overdue halt to a scandalous millennium, 4) Give Vatican 11 a chance, 5) Leadership in the Church, 6) Relishing our faith in working for justice (Themes for study and discussion), 7) A Message meant mainly, not exclusively for Jesuits (Background information necessary for helping Francis renew the Church), 8) Lent in Lanka (Reflections and Resolutions, 9) Love meets wisdom (A Christian Experience of Buddhism, 10) Fire and Water 11) God’s Reign for God’s poor, 12) Our Unhiddden Agenda (How we Jesuits work, pray and form our men). He is also the Editor of two journals, Vagdevi, Journal of Religious Reflection and Dialogue, New Series.
Fr. Aloy has a BA in Pali and Sanskrit from the University of London and a Ph.D in Buddhist Philosophy from the University of Sri Lankan, Vidyodaya Campus. On Nov. 23, 2019, he was awarded the prestigious honorary Doctorate of Literature (D.Litt) by the Chancellor of the University of Kelaniya, the Most Venerable Welamitiyawe Dharmakirthi Sri Kusala Dhamma Thera.
Fr. Aloy continues to be a promoter of Gospel values and virtues. Justice as a constitutive dimension of love and social concern for the downtrodden masses are very much noted in his life and work. He had very much appreciated the commitment of the late Fr. Joseph (Joe) Fernando, the National Director of the Social and Economic Centre (SEDEC) for the poor.
In Sri Lanka, a few religious Congregations – the Good Shepherd Sisters, the Christian Brothers, the Marist Brothers and the Oblates – have invited him to animate their members especially during their Provincial Congresses, Chapters and International Conferences. The mainline Christian Churches also have sought his advice and followed his seminars. I, for one, regret very much, that the Sri Lankan authorities of the Catholic Church –today’s Hierarchy—- have not sought Fr.
Aloy’s expertise for the renewal of the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka and thus have not benefited from the immense store of wisdom and insight that he can offer to our local Church while the Sri Lankan bishops who governed the Catholic church in the immediate aftermath of the Second Vatican Council (Edmund Fernando OMI, Anthony de Saram, Leo Nanayakkara OSB, Frank Marcus Fernando, Paul Perera,) visited him and consulted him on many matters. Among the Tamil Bishops, Bishop Rayappu Joseph was keeping close contact with him and Bishop J. Deogupillai hosted him and his team visiting him after the horrible Black July massacre of Tamils.
Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement
By Gomi Senadhira
senadhiragomi@gmail.com
“You might tell fairy tales, but the progress of a country cannot be achieved through such narratives. A country cannot be developed by making false promises. The country moved backward because of the electoral promises made by political parties throughout time. We have witnessed that the ultimate result of this is the country becoming bankrupt. Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet.” – President Ranil Wickremesinghe, 2024 Budget speech
Any Sri Lankan would agree with the above words of President Wickremesinghe on the false promises our politicians and officials make and the fairy tales they narrate which bankrupted this country. So, to understand this, let’s look at one such fairy tale with lots of false promises; Ranil Wickremesinghe’s greatest achievement in the area of international trade and investment promotion during the Yahapalana period, Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement (SLSFTA).
It is appropriate and timely to do it now as Finance Minister Wickremesinghe has just presented to parliament a bill on the National Policy on Economic Transformation which includes the establishment of an Office for International Trade and the Sri Lanka Institute of Economics and International Trade.
Was SLSFTA a “Cleverly negotiated Free Trade Agreement” as stated by the (former) Minister of Development Strategies and International Trade Malik Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate on the SLSFTA in July 2018, or a colossal blunder covered up with lies, false promises, and fairy tales? After SLSFTA was signed there were a number of fairy tales published on this agreement by the Ministry of Development Strategies and International, Institute of Policy Studies, and others.
However, for this article, I would like to limit my comments to the speech by Minister Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate, and the two most important areas in the agreement which were covered up with lies, fairy tales, and false promises, namely: revenue loss for Sri Lanka and Investment from Singapore. On the other important area, “Waste products dumping” I do not want to comment here as I have written extensively on the issue.
1. The revenue loss
During the Parliamentary Debate in July 2018, Minister Samarawickrama stated “…. let me reiterate that this FTA with Singapore has been very cleverly negotiated by us…. The liberalisation programme under this FTA has been carefully designed to have the least impact on domestic industry and revenue collection. We have included all revenue sensitive items in the negative list of items which will not be subject to removal of tariff. Therefore, 97.8% revenue from Customs duty is protected. Our tariff liberalisation will take place over a period of 12-15 years! In fact, the revenue earned through tariffs on goods imported from Singapore last year was Rs. 35 billion.
The revenue loss for over the next 15 years due to the FTA is only Rs. 733 million– which when annualised, on average, is just Rs. 51 million. That is just 0.14% per year! So anyone who claims the Singapore FTA causes revenue loss to the Government cannot do basic arithmetic! Mr. Speaker, in conclusion, I call on my fellow members of this House – don’t mislead the public with baseless criticism that is not grounded in facts. Don’t look at petty politics and use these issues for your own political survival.”
I was surprised to read the minister’s speech because an article published in January 2018 in “The Straits Times“, based on information released by the Singaporean Negotiators stated, “…. With the FTA, tariff savings for Singapore exports are estimated to hit $10 million annually“.
As the annual tariff savings (that is the revenue loss for Sri Lanka) calculated by the Singaporean Negotiators, Singaporean $ 10 million (Sri Lankan rupees 1,200 million in 2018) was way above the rupees’ 733 million revenue loss for 15 years estimated by the Sri Lankan negotiators, it was clear to any observer that one of the parties to the agreement had not done the basic arithmetic!
Six years later, according to a report published by “The Morning” newspaper, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) on 7th May 2024, Mr Samarawickrama’s chief trade negotiator K.J. Weerasinghehad had admitted “…. that forecasted revenue loss for the Government of Sri Lanka through the Singapore FTA is Rs. 450 million in 2023 and Rs. 1.3 billion in 2024.”
If these numbers are correct, as tariff liberalisation under the SLSFTA has just started, we will pass Rs 2 billion very soon. Then, the question is how Sri Lanka’s trade negotiators made such a colossal blunder. Didn’t they do their basic arithmetic? If they didn’t know how to do basic arithmetic they should have at least done their basic readings. For example, the headline of the article published in The Straits Times in January 2018 was “Singapore, Sri Lanka sign FTA, annual savings of $10m expected”.
Anyway, as Sri Lanka’s chief negotiator reiterated at the COPF meeting that “…. since 99% of the tariffs in Singapore have zero rates of duty, Sri Lanka has agreed on 80% tariff liberalisation over a period of 15 years while expecting Singapore investments to address the imbalance in trade,” let’s turn towards investment.
Investment from Singapore
In July 2018, speaking during the Parliamentary Debate on the FTA this is what Minister Malik Samarawickrama stated on investment from Singapore, “Already, thanks to this FTA, in just the past two-and-a-half months since the agreement came into effect we have received a proposal from Singapore for investment amounting to $ 14.8 billion in an oil refinery for export of petroleum products. In addition, we have proposals for a steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million), sugar refinery ($ 200 million). This adds up to more than $ 16.05 billion in the pipeline on these projects alone.
And all of these projects will create thousands of more jobs for our people. In principle approval has already been granted by the BOI and the investors are awaiting the release of land the environmental approvals to commence the project.
I request the Opposition and those with vested interests to change their narrow-minded thinking and join us to develop our country. We must always look at what is best for the whole community, not just the few who may oppose. We owe it to our people to courageously take decisions that will change their lives for the better.”
According to the media report I quoted earlier, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) Chief Negotiator Weerasinghe has admitted that Sri Lanka was not happy with overall Singapore investments that have come in the past few years in return for the trade liberalisation under the Singapore-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement. He has added that between 2021 and 2023 the total investment from Singapore had been around $162 million!
What happened to those projects worth $16 billion negotiated, thanks to the SLSFTA, in just the two-and-a-half months after the agreement came into effect and approved by the BOI? I do not know about the steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million) and sugar refinery ($ 200 million).
However, story of the multibillion-dollar investment in the Petroleum Refinery unfolded in a manner that would qualify it as the best fairy tale with false promises presented by our politicians and the officials, prior to 2019 elections.
Though many Sri Lankans got to know, through the media which repeatedly highlighted a plethora of issues surrounding the project and the questionable credentials of the Singaporean investor, the construction work on the Mirrijiwela Oil Refinery along with the cement factory began on the24th of March 2019 with a bang and Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and his ministers along with the foreign and local dignitaries laid the foundation stones.
That was few months before the 2019 Presidential elections. Inaugurating the construction work Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe said the projects will create thousands of job opportunities in the area and surrounding districts.
The oil refinery, which was to be built over 200 acres of land, with the capacity to refine 200,000 barrels of crude oil per day, was to generate US$7 billion of exports and create 1,500 direct and 3,000 indirect jobs. The construction of the refinery was to be completed in 44 months. Four years later, in August 2023 the Cabinet of Ministers approved the proposal presented by President Ranil Wickremesinghe to cancel the agreement with the investors of the refinery as the project has not been implemented! Can they explain to the country how much money was wasted to produce that fairy tale?
It is obvious that the President, ministers, and officials had made huge blunders and had deliberately misled the public and the parliament on the revenue loss and potential investment from SLSFTA with fairy tales and false promises.
As the president himself said, a country cannot be developed by making false promises or with fairy tales and these false promises and fairy tales had bankrupted the country. “Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet”.
(The writer, a specialist and an activist on trade and development issues . )
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