Features
Political developments following Mrs. B’s disenfranchising & development of radio
Excerpted from volume two of Sarath Amunugama’s autobiography
The resolution to disenfranchise Mrs. B and a few others was passed in Parliament by the use of a steamroller majority. Prime Minister Premadasa led the charge and several vituperative UNPers, like Premachandra, made a mockery of the debate by insulting the former Prime Minister. It was a sad day for Parliament and the country. Amirthalingam made a valiant effort on behalf of Mrs. B. Though Mrs B’s disenfranchisement helped JRJ to be returned in the 1982 Presidential election it had long term deleterious effects which came back to haunt him.
Firstly it embittered her party which then went to the country in an unforgiving mood and missed the restraining hand of Mrs. B who earlier had a good relationship with JRJ unlike with Dudley. When it came to ethnic compromises which could have been negotiated with the more experienced Mrs. B, the UNP was now faced with an opposition which was hell bent in sabotaging everything proposed by the President. It also saw the rise of Vijaya Kumaratunga and his Mahajana Party which was decidedly leftist and highly critical of JRJ’s economic policies.
They took the lead in campaigning for socialist policies which were opposed to the President’s open economy. In place of the aging Mrs. B the President found in Vijaya a formidable opponent who could appeal to the youth. JRJ’s nominee for youth affairs, Ranil, could not hold a candle to Vijaya. But perhaps most importantly the political space created by the vacancy of Mrs. B, was the opening that the resurrected JVP clearly wanted. With its commitment and political venom, not hitherto seen in the country’s politics, the JVP attacked JRJ and wrecked his plans for an orderly economic transformation which would have ensured the continuity of his legacy.
At the same time the bitterness that invaded politics also inhibited a consensual approach to the ethnic question. The infuriated SLFP boycotted all–party conferences on the ethnic problem and adopted an Anti-Tamil, Anti-JRJ line. Amirthalingam who accepted the post of Leader of the Opposition too had to pay a heavy price. As the Leader of the Opposition, he lost his militancy. His party was overtaken first by a multiplicity of armed Tamil political formations and later by Prabhakaran’s LTTE. Some time later Amirthalingam and his chief Parliamentary comrades were gunned down in their own home by the LTTE.
All in all, we may conclude that in retrospect, the decision to disenfranchise Mrs. B, though it paved the way for JRJ’s second term of office, was a blunder which changed the political landscape of the country. Sri Lanka paid a heavy price for putting tactics over ethics in politics. Perhaps if my friend Gamini and my Minister Anandatissa had prevailed, our fate may have been different. But they did not succeed, and the country inexorably drifted into three decades of murderous fratricidal conflict.
Regional Radio Stations
A perennial problem of radio broadcasting in Sri Lanka related to poor transmission. This meant that the signal from the Colombo tower was not received clearly in the outstations. While urban listeners around Colombo had no complaints, rural folk were inhibited from using radio because of the weak signal. The solution was to erect booster towers which would carry a strong signal within their radius. Fortunately, we were able to negotiate with the Federal Republic of Germany to get the equipment required for a good all island reception.
Once the equipment arrived, we erected booster towers in Deniyaya, Maho, Kokavil and Uda Peradeniya which made radio much more listener-friendly. There was a rapid growth of listenership in the rural areas serviced by our new transmission grid. The new towers also helped us to add a new dimension to radio broadcasting in the country. I found that the latest research on broadcasting recommended the introduction of ‘narrow casting’. This meant that more emphasis was placed on smaller, more homogenous and development-oriented broadcasting units which enabled more interaction between broadcasters and listeners.
The old `top-down’ approach was replaced with a more participatory and collaborative methodology. I therefore suggested that in addition to boosting the Colombo signal we should convert the new transmission stations into regional Radio Centres. While staff could be initially found from the already overstaffed SLBC, funding was also available because JRJ as Minister of State in the Dudley Cabinet in the 1965-70 period had converted Radio Ceylon into a Corporation with its own budget and sources of income.
The SLBC was easily persuaded to adopt the Regional Stations and Raja Rata, Ruhunu Rata and Meda Rata Radio came into being creating a revolution in radio broadcasting in Sri Lanka. This step could be taken because in Anandatissa we had a Minister who was very supportive of innovations. Also, the SLBC under Eamon Kariyakarawana and professionals like Thevis Guruge and engineer Buell were quick to implement this scheme as they had the backing of the Ministry. These regional stations threw up many talented musicians and singers. Perhaps the most famous of them was Divulgane, the singer from Anuradhapura who held the country in thrall and became, later, the Governor of the NCP.
We were lucky to be in the limelight just when the global debate on the New Information Order was coming to the fore. Developing countries complained of a serious imbalance between the mass media coverage and facilities of developed countries and the ‘new nations’. Some called it the new imperialism. Without the basic tools of communication, the poorer countries could not get their voice heard. Their problems, history and culture could not find expression. Instead, the image of primitivism, corruption and incompetence was communicated to the world.
A New Information and Communication Order [NIICO] was the ‘sine qua non’ of a global dialogue which would rectify the imbalance and the consequent inequity of the prevailing world system. This matter was raised at the Non-Aligned meeting held in Colombo in 1976. Its resolutions supported the demand for a more just and equitable global Information system. As Chair of the Non-Aligned movement Sri Lanka drew global attention as a leader in the fight for NIICO. With JRJ in power and his unique attempt at what Time Magazine called ‘Roll back socialism’ many western donors could be persuaded to fund our media institutions.
For instance, when Denmark was willing to fund a people based radio station, Gamini Dissanayake agreed to take it under the wing of the Mahaweli Authority and the Mahaweli Radio which became known worldwide was born. I negotiated with Knud Ebbotson of Denmark radio and with funds and technical staff secured, we launched Mahaweli Radio which became a model for new concepts of Development Communication. Since many of the donor countries accepted the criticism that foreign aid was not effective in ameliorating rural poverty, they were willing to encourage, and fund, new initiatives in poverty alleviation like Sarvodaya and Mahaweli Radio.
We were in the centre of the Non-Aligned movement as well as the debate on economic growth in the third world. It was a good time to be in charge of the media. At that time, we were global leaders in harnessing foreign assistance for developing TV [Japan], Radio Transmission [FRG], Film and Community screenings [FRG], Community Radio [Denmark], and Film editing [France]. Almost all of this came by way of grants because we were first on the scene. In addition, I arranged for training in all these fields and many of our media personnel were sent on training courses arranged by UNESCO and our partner donors.
I was also targeting the setting up of a TV training Centre which was necessary for the growth of high quality TV programming. Thanks to the Freidrich Ebert Stiftung of the FRG I was able to establish this training school at no cost to Government. All these rapid developments In media were noted by many small countries in the world who planned to enter the new world of mass communication.
It was when we got into the nitty gritty of transmission towers for Radio and TV that I realized that our geographical location gave us a great advantage. For a long time, our radio transmissions were better received in India than Akhila Bharati, the Indian broadcasting service. From Sri Lanka we could cover the whole Indian sub-continent while India had to depend on a large number of ground stations. So it was that when Hillary and Tenzing tuned in from the top of Mount Everest they had to listen to Radio Ceylon.
‘Geet Mala’ the most popular Hindi music request program was beamed via Radio Ceylon. Hindi movie producers would first have their film songs broadcast through our transmitters which could reach all parts of India. BBC would at that time rebroadcast their Asia bulletin via our station. This created a problem for us at that time because Indira Gandhi had censored All India service broadcasts under the state of emergency declared by her. But most middle-class Indians beat the ban by tuning into BBC.
Indira Gandhi was very angry at this breaking of her blockade and her Ambassador in Colombo would frequently visit us in the Ministry to stop our rebroadcasts. I discussed his request with Anandatissa who refused to comply because we had a standing agreement with the BBC. Many distinguished Indians who were unhappy with the state of emergency wrote letters of appreciation to us.
At this stage we received a high level application from the Federal Republic of Germany to locate a re-transmission tower for Deutsche Wells [Voice of Germany] in Trincomalee. Trincomalee, as the British who operated SEAL radio from there during the second world war well knew, was the ideal location for transmission to the Far East since there is no land mass between there and the western coast of Japan.
Without hills and other obstructions, the radio signal skims over the sea and is powerfully received in Southeast Asia and Japan.
I accompanied the head of the German Information Office to Trinco and walked all over proposed sites for a transmitter. It was then that I came across the tank farm which had been the nerve center of British naval logistics after the fall of Singapore during the Second World War. During this period we had several re-transmission towers in Sri Lanka. In addition to Deutche Welle, there was an American broadcasting station beaming into India from Iranawila, which had been authorized during the regime of Neville Jayaweera and was adding revenue to the SLBC budget.
However, all these stations have now became superfluous due to the advent of satellites. Messages could be beamed direct from the host countries via space located satellite transponders. This system is called DBS [Direct Broadcasting Satellites]. Thus these broadcasters pulled out of terrestrial stations and SLBC lost a good source of income. The spotlight that was focused on the Trinco Tank farm by the German initiative persuaded the Government to repair some of the tanks.
The decision to develop them as a joint venture with a Singaporean company drew a strong protest from India which emphasized the regional strategic value of Trincomalee harbor. This led to much acrimony and even became part of the Indo-Lanka agreement signed by JRJ.
by Dr Gotabhya Ranasinghe
Senior Consultant Cardiologist
National Hospital Sri Lanka
When we sought a meeting with Hon Dr. Ramesh Pathirana, Minister of Health, he graciously cleared his busy schedule to accommodate us. Renowned for his attentive listening and deep understanding, Minister Pathirana is dedicated to advancing the health sector. His openness and transparency exemplify the qualities of an exemplary politician and minister.
Dr. Palitha Mahipala, the current Health Secretary, demonstrates both commendable enthusiasm and unwavering support. This combination of attributes makes him a highly compatible colleague for the esteemed Minister of Health.
Our discussion centered on a project that has been in the works for the past 30 years, one that no other minister had managed to advance.
Minister Pathirana, however, recognized the project’s significance and its potential to revolutionize care for heart patients.
The project involves the construction of a state-of-the-art facility at the premises of the National Hospital Colombo. The project’s location within the premises of the National Hospital underscores its importance and relevance to the healthcare infrastructure of the nation.
This facility will include a cardiology building and a tertiary care center, equipped with the latest technology to handle and treat all types of heart-related conditions and surgeries.
Securing funding was a major milestone for this initiative. Minister Pathirana successfully obtained approval for a $40 billion loan from the Asian Development Bank. With the funding in place, the foundation stone is scheduled to be laid in September this year, and construction will begin in January 2025.
This project guarantees a consistent and uninterrupted supply of stents and related medications for heart patients. As a result, patients will have timely access to essential medical supplies during their treatment and recovery. By securing these critical resources, the project aims to enhance patient outcomes, minimize treatment delays, and maintain the highest standards of cardiac care.
Upon its fruition, this monumental building will serve as a beacon of hope and healing, symbolizing the unwavering dedication to improving patient outcomes and fostering a healthier society.We anticipate a future marked by significant progress and positive outcomes in Sri Lanka’s cardiovascular treatment landscape within the foreseeable timeframe.
by Fr. Emmanuel Fernando, OMI
Jesuit Fr. Aloysius Pieris (affectionately called Fr. Aloy) celebrated his 90th birthday on April 9, 2024 and I, as the editor of our Oblate Journal, THE MISSIONARY OBLATE had gone to press by that time. Immediately I decided to publish an article, appreciating the untiring selfless services he continues to offer for inter-Faith dialogue, the renewal of the Catholic Church, his concern for the poor and the suffering Sri Lankan masses and to me, the present writer.
It was in 1988, when I was appointed Director of the Oblate Scholastics at Ampitiya by the then Oblate Provincial Fr. Anselm Silva, that I came to know Fr. Aloy more closely. Knowing well his expertise in matters spiritual, theological, Indological and pastoral, and with the collaborative spirit of my companion-formators, our Oblate Scholastics were sent to Tulana, the Research and Encounter Centre, Kelaniya, of which he is the Founder-Director, for ‘exposure-programmes’ on matters spiritual, biblical, theological and pastoral. Some of these dimensions according to my view and that of my companion-formators, were not available at the National Seminary, Ampitiya.
Ever since that time, our Oblate formators/ accompaniers at the Oblate Scholasticate, Ampitiya , have continued to send our Oblate Scholastics to Tulana Centre for deepening their insights and convictions regarding matters needed to serve the people in today’s context. Fr. Aloy also had tried very enthusiastically with the Oblate team headed by Frs. Oswald Firth and Clement Waidyasekara to begin a Theologate, directed by the Religious Congregations in Sri Lanka, for the contextual formation/ accompaniment of their members. It should very well be a desired goal of the Leaders / Provincials of the Religious Congregations.
Besides being a formator/accompanier at the Oblate Scholasticate, I was entrusted also with the task of editing and publishing our Oblate journal, ‘The Missionary Oblate’. To maintain the quality of the journal I continue to depend on Fr. Aloy for his thought-provoking and stimulating articles on Biblical Spirituality, Biblical Theology and Ecclesiology. I am very grateful to him for his generous assistance. Of late, his writings on renewal of the Church, initiated by Pope St. John XX111 and continued by Pope Francis through the Synodal path, published in our Oblate journal, enable our readers to focus their attention also on the needed renewal in the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka. Fr. Aloy appreciated very much the Synodal path adopted by the Jesuit Pope Francis for the renewal of the Church, rooted very much on prayerful discernment. In my Religious and presbyteral life, Fr.Aloy continues to be my spiritual animator / guide and ongoing formator / acccompanier.
Fr. Aloysius Pieris, BA Hons (Lond), LPh (SHC, India), STL (PFT, Naples), PhD (SLU/VC), ThD (Tilburg), D.Ltt (KU), has been one of the eminent Asian theologians well recognized internationally and one who has lectured and held visiting chairs in many universities both in the West and in the East. Many members of Religious Congregations from Asian countries have benefited from his lectures and guidance in the East Asian Pastoral Institute (EAPI) in Manila, Philippines. He had been a Theologian consulted by the Federation of Asian Bishops’ Conferences for many years. During his professorship at the Gregorian University in Rome, he was called to be a member of a special group of advisers on other religions consulted by Pope Paul VI.
Fr. Aloy is the author of more than 30 books and well over 500 Research Papers. Some of his books and articles have been translated and published in several countries. Among those books, one can find the following: 1) The Genesis of an Asian Theology of Liberation (An Autobiographical Excursus on the Art of Theologising in Asia, 2) An Asian Theology of Liberation, 3) Providential Timeliness of Vatican 11 (a long-overdue halt to a scandalous millennium, 4) Give Vatican 11 a chance, 5) Leadership in the Church, 6) Relishing our faith in working for justice (Themes for study and discussion), 7) A Message meant mainly, not exclusively for Jesuits (Background information necessary for helping Francis renew the Church), 8) Lent in Lanka (Reflections and Resolutions, 9) Love meets wisdom (A Christian Experience of Buddhism, 10) Fire and Water 11) God’s Reign for God’s poor, 12) Our Unhiddden Agenda (How we Jesuits work, pray and form our men). He is also the Editor of two journals, Vagdevi, Journal of Religious Reflection and Dialogue, New Series.
Fr. Aloy has a BA in Pali and Sanskrit from the University of London and a Ph.D in Buddhist Philosophy from the University of Sri Lankan, Vidyodaya Campus. On Nov. 23, 2019, he was awarded the prestigious honorary Doctorate of Literature (D.Litt) by the Chancellor of the University of Kelaniya, the Most Venerable Welamitiyawe Dharmakirthi Sri Kusala Dhamma Thera.
Fr. Aloy continues to be a promoter of Gospel values and virtues. Justice as a constitutive dimension of love and social concern for the downtrodden masses are very much noted in his life and work. He had very much appreciated the commitment of the late Fr. Joseph (Joe) Fernando, the National Director of the Social and Economic Centre (SEDEC) for the poor.
In Sri Lanka, a few religious Congregations – the Good Shepherd Sisters, the Christian Brothers, the Marist Brothers and the Oblates – have invited him to animate their members especially during their Provincial Congresses, Chapters and International Conferences. The mainline Christian Churches also have sought his advice and followed his seminars. I, for one, regret very much, that the Sri Lankan authorities of the Catholic Church –today’s Hierarchy—- have not sought Fr.
Aloy’s expertise for the renewal of the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka and thus have not benefited from the immense store of wisdom and insight that he can offer to our local Church while the Sri Lankan bishops who governed the Catholic church in the immediate aftermath of the Second Vatican Council (Edmund Fernando OMI, Anthony de Saram, Leo Nanayakkara OSB, Frank Marcus Fernando, Paul Perera,) visited him and consulted him on many matters. Among the Tamil Bishops, Bishop Rayappu Joseph was keeping close contact with him and Bishop J. Deogupillai hosted him and his team visiting him after the horrible Black July massacre of Tamils.
Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement
By Gomi Senadhira
senadhiragomi@gmail.com
“You might tell fairy tales, but the progress of a country cannot be achieved through such narratives. A country cannot be developed by making false promises. The country moved backward because of the electoral promises made by political parties throughout time. We have witnessed that the ultimate result of this is the country becoming bankrupt. Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet.” – President Ranil Wickremesinghe, 2024 Budget speech
Any Sri Lankan would agree with the above words of President Wickremesinghe on the false promises our politicians and officials make and the fairy tales they narrate which bankrupted this country. So, to understand this, let’s look at one such fairy tale with lots of false promises; Ranil Wickremesinghe’s greatest achievement in the area of international trade and investment promotion during the Yahapalana period, Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement (SLSFTA).
It is appropriate and timely to do it now as Finance Minister Wickremesinghe has just presented to parliament a bill on the National Policy on Economic Transformation which includes the establishment of an Office for International Trade and the Sri Lanka Institute of Economics and International Trade.
Was SLSFTA a “Cleverly negotiated Free Trade Agreement” as stated by the (former) Minister of Development Strategies and International Trade Malik Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate on the SLSFTA in July 2018, or a colossal blunder covered up with lies, false promises, and fairy tales? After SLSFTA was signed there were a number of fairy tales published on this agreement by the Ministry of Development Strategies and International, Institute of Policy Studies, and others.
However, for this article, I would like to limit my comments to the speech by Minister Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate, and the two most important areas in the agreement which were covered up with lies, fairy tales, and false promises, namely: revenue loss for Sri Lanka and Investment from Singapore. On the other important area, “Waste products dumping” I do not want to comment here as I have written extensively on the issue.
1. The revenue loss
During the Parliamentary Debate in July 2018, Minister Samarawickrama stated “…. let me reiterate that this FTA with Singapore has been very cleverly negotiated by us…. The liberalisation programme under this FTA has been carefully designed to have the least impact on domestic industry and revenue collection. We have included all revenue sensitive items in the negative list of items which will not be subject to removal of tariff. Therefore, 97.8% revenue from Customs duty is protected. Our tariff liberalisation will take place over a period of 12-15 years! In fact, the revenue earned through tariffs on goods imported from Singapore last year was Rs. 35 billion.
The revenue loss for over the next 15 years due to the FTA is only Rs. 733 million– which when annualised, on average, is just Rs. 51 million. That is just 0.14% per year! So anyone who claims the Singapore FTA causes revenue loss to the Government cannot do basic arithmetic! Mr. Speaker, in conclusion, I call on my fellow members of this House – don’t mislead the public with baseless criticism that is not grounded in facts. Don’t look at petty politics and use these issues for your own political survival.”
I was surprised to read the minister’s speech because an article published in January 2018 in “The Straits Times“, based on information released by the Singaporean Negotiators stated, “…. With the FTA, tariff savings for Singapore exports are estimated to hit $10 million annually“.
As the annual tariff savings (that is the revenue loss for Sri Lanka) calculated by the Singaporean Negotiators, Singaporean $ 10 million (Sri Lankan rupees 1,200 million in 2018) was way above the rupees’ 733 million revenue loss for 15 years estimated by the Sri Lankan negotiators, it was clear to any observer that one of the parties to the agreement had not done the basic arithmetic!
Six years later, according to a report published by “The Morning” newspaper, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) on 7th May 2024, Mr Samarawickrama’s chief trade negotiator K.J. Weerasinghehad had admitted “…. that forecasted revenue loss for the Government of Sri Lanka through the Singapore FTA is Rs. 450 million in 2023 and Rs. 1.3 billion in 2024.”
If these numbers are correct, as tariff liberalisation under the SLSFTA has just started, we will pass Rs 2 billion very soon. Then, the question is how Sri Lanka’s trade negotiators made such a colossal blunder. Didn’t they do their basic arithmetic? If they didn’t know how to do basic arithmetic they should have at least done their basic readings. For example, the headline of the article published in The Straits Times in January 2018 was “Singapore, Sri Lanka sign FTA, annual savings of $10m expected”.
Anyway, as Sri Lanka’s chief negotiator reiterated at the COPF meeting that “…. since 99% of the tariffs in Singapore have zero rates of duty, Sri Lanka has agreed on 80% tariff liberalisation over a period of 15 years while expecting Singapore investments to address the imbalance in trade,” let’s turn towards investment.
Investment from Singapore
In July 2018, speaking during the Parliamentary Debate on the FTA this is what Minister Malik Samarawickrama stated on investment from Singapore, “Already, thanks to this FTA, in just the past two-and-a-half months since the agreement came into effect we have received a proposal from Singapore for investment amounting to $ 14.8 billion in an oil refinery for export of petroleum products. In addition, we have proposals for a steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million), sugar refinery ($ 200 million). This adds up to more than $ 16.05 billion in the pipeline on these projects alone.
And all of these projects will create thousands of more jobs for our people. In principle approval has already been granted by the BOI and the investors are awaiting the release of land the environmental approvals to commence the project.
I request the Opposition and those with vested interests to change their narrow-minded thinking and join us to develop our country. We must always look at what is best for the whole community, not just the few who may oppose. We owe it to our people to courageously take decisions that will change their lives for the better.”
According to the media report I quoted earlier, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) Chief Negotiator Weerasinghe has admitted that Sri Lanka was not happy with overall Singapore investments that have come in the past few years in return for the trade liberalisation under the Singapore-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement. He has added that between 2021 and 2023 the total investment from Singapore had been around $162 million!
What happened to those projects worth $16 billion negotiated, thanks to the SLSFTA, in just the two-and-a-half months after the agreement came into effect and approved by the BOI? I do not know about the steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million) and sugar refinery ($ 200 million).
However, story of the multibillion-dollar investment in the Petroleum Refinery unfolded in a manner that would qualify it as the best fairy tale with false promises presented by our politicians and the officials, prior to 2019 elections.
Though many Sri Lankans got to know, through the media which repeatedly highlighted a plethora of issues surrounding the project and the questionable credentials of the Singaporean investor, the construction work on the Mirrijiwela Oil Refinery along with the cement factory began on the24th of March 2019 with a bang and Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and his ministers along with the foreign and local dignitaries laid the foundation stones.
That was few months before the 2019 Presidential elections. Inaugurating the construction work Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe said the projects will create thousands of job opportunities in the area and surrounding districts.
The oil refinery, which was to be built over 200 acres of land, with the capacity to refine 200,000 barrels of crude oil per day, was to generate US$7 billion of exports and create 1,500 direct and 3,000 indirect jobs. The construction of the refinery was to be completed in 44 months. Four years later, in August 2023 the Cabinet of Ministers approved the proposal presented by President Ranil Wickremesinghe to cancel the agreement with the investors of the refinery as the project has not been implemented! Can they explain to the country how much money was wasted to produce that fairy tale?
It is obvious that the President, ministers, and officials had made huge blunders and had deliberately misled the public and the parliament on the revenue loss and potential investment from SLSFTA with fairy tales and false promises.
As the president himself said, a country cannot be developed by making false promises or with fairy tales and these false promises and fairy tales had bankrupted the country. “Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet”.
(The writer, a specialist and an activist on trade and development issues . )
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