Features
Police subservience made political interference possible
by Merril Gunaratne,
Rtd. Senior DIG
This writing was inspired by the topical essay of Kingsley Wickramasuriya, retired Senior DIG, which dealt with the impact of politics on the police, and the pithy observation made by Rajan Phillips in his column in the Sunday Island of August 20 where he had, whilst discussing dangers that may affect provincial policing under the 13th Amendment, stated “Nothing can be done provincially unless everything is reformed nationally”.
Stature of IGPs
For a long time, total blame for political interferences has been placed at the feet of politicians. But such interferences do not occur in a vacuum. The IGP and his seniors are the guardians of the law. A sacred duty is cast upon them to resist interference with the law, and to discipline officers who seek to help extraneous forces outside the law. After all, it takes two to tango. This essay would therefore examine whether those in the highest police echelons have stood firm against transgressions.
How political interference occurs
Upto the advent of the UNP to political power in 1977, interference with the police were relatively less. They were times when both sides protected their turfs, and did not wish to “cross the line”. Those in power structures were conscious that the service had to work within the law. A few exemplary officers such as Osmund de Silva, Sidney de Zoysa and Eleric Abeygoonewardene were strong bulwarks against intrusions. As a result, interference was just a trickle.
From 1977, after the three stalwarts had left office, the trickle became a torrent. Many of those in power structures considered it their inherent right to acquire police acquiescence in order to harass political opponents, employ violence at by-elections, and prevail upon the police to favour supporters detected for crime, vice and violence.
Police were expected to turn a blind eye to blatant transgressions, and even in some instances watch passively whilst being present at scenes of lawlessness. In order to ensure that the police fell in step, pliant officers were recognised and posted or promoted as Officers in Charge of Stations (OICs), ASPs, SPs and DIGs. They were provided scope and space to achieve promotions in violation of the line of seniority. Those who failed to oblige political masters were not considered for plums and promotions. This tactic proved an effective bargaining chip to ensure police acquiescence for violations of the law.
This strategy over time, found permanence, and accelerated the decline of the police. All governments which followed the UNP, not only continued the adoption of this strategy, but even went to further extremes.
Examples of bad behaviour
There were countless instances where those in the highest echelons of the police submitted to interferences. I had first hand experience of the high handed conduct of political heavyweights immediately after 1977 in Kelaniya and Kurunegala. These experiences have been narrated in three books I had written in retirement. The IGP of the time did not even make contact and provide some solace for the manner in which I upheld the law.
A senior DIG who later became IGP, had said, “Merril is causing problems to headquarters”. In recent times, SSP Shani Abeysekera, who had conducted investigations against political heavyweights for the alleged disappearance of Prageeth Ekneligoda, and the abduction of Keith Noyahr, was hauled up before a Presidential Commission and questioned about the manner in which investigations had been conducted.
These inquiries were reviewed as if the CID had conducted investigations with prejudice. Shani was an upright officer whose findings would have been approved by police headquarters at the time of the investigations. A retired IGP, Chandra Fernando, who sat on the Commission, should surely have been embarrassed, for he would have known about the calibre of SSP Shani Abeysekera as an investigator.
Shani was imprisoned on a questionable charge of fabrication of evidence in another case. Seniors in police headquarters abandoned a fine officer who in jail even feared for his life. Despite his incarceration and harassment, the IGP and the seniors in headquarters failed to rise in his defence. Senior DIG Ravi Seneviratne alone commiserated with him.
The period 1988 to 1995 saw large numbers of officers receiving promotions in gross violation of the line of seniority. They were favourites in whom politicians had confidence to promote their interests. Cyril Herath who became IGP in 1986, alone sought to resist interferences which had taken firm root. When the government rejected his recommendations for three DIG promotions, and instead promoted two very junior officers, he resigned in protest.
Possibly because of Cyril Herath’s recalcitrance, the government removed the IGP’s prerogative to recommend promotions to the DIG rank, and instead vested the Ministry of Defence with authority to hold interviews for promotion. This policy also helped the promotion of favourites. IGP Ernest Perera fell in line without protest.
In the late 80’s, three DIGs were retired – Rajaguru, K Wickramasuriya and Iddamalgoda – in a government bid to pave the way for a junior to be promoted IGP. The IGP did not take a strong stand against this unjust government move as well.
When the war with LTTE resumed, the IGP ordered 600 policemen in the Eastern Province to surrender to the LTTE. The latter massacred them. The IGP consulted Foreign Minister Hamid before ordering the surrender. It was not a matter for him a to have consulted the government to invoke a political direction.
Police, in the absence of directions from IGPs’ in the early 80’s, passively permitted government orchestrated mobs to torch the Public Library in Jaffna, and engage in communal violence in all parts of the country.
In the early 90’s when DB Wijethunga was President, IGP Frank de Silva obliged the request of the former for the DIG cadre to be enlarged to over 40 from a modest number. It was believed that the President wanted his Security Officer, Mahinda Balasuriya who was a junior SSP, to be promoted a DIG. The President had first made the request for a number of DIGs to be posted in police divisions to be responsible for “welfare”, to DIG HMGB Kotakadeniya. This was a ruse to expand the DIG cadre. Kotakadeniya had refused, whereupon the President had made the request to IGP Frank de Silva. The request was implemented without a discussion in police headquarters. This expansion has caused irreparable and irreversible harm to the service.
After the advent of President Kumaratunga to power, three officers who had resigned from the police previously, were reinstated and promoted to the rank of Senior DIG. One of them who was junior, and who had resigned for reasons other than political victimisation, was promoted IGP. He was a favourite of the government. It is generally believed that the decline of the service accelerated with him.
Two IGPs who served during the presidency of Mahinda Rajapaksa, were later found to have tampered with investigations into the murder of Lasantha Wickramatunga. Such partisan conduct by IGPs in recent times is confirmation that police seniors are now far more willing to be complicit with machinations of those in power structures, than in earlier times. On May 9, 2021, an apathetic police were present at Galle Face Green when government inspired mobs attacked unarmed protestors. To add insult to injury, the IGP and Senior DIG (Western Province) accused each other for the police failure to prevent violence.
Lessons
A system that has been entrenched for countless years, has a tendency to resist changes. The pattern of favourites being recognised, has grown in intensity since the 1970’s. IGPs’ lost control over subordinate officers, for the latter looked to politicians to help the advancement of their careers. The National Police Commission (NPC) was established in a bid to achieve the independence of the service. The NPC in recent times had been more preoccupied with efforts to pamper seniors with material benefits.
DIGs retiring from service are automatically promoted Senior DIGs, a step unheard of in any part of the world. An abortive effort was made by the NPC for retired Senior DIGs and the IGP to be offered “valets” masquerading as security officers. Three DIGs, over 20 years after retirement, were promoted Senior DIGs. The NPC did not challenge the principle or lack of it that helped these promotions.
Senior DIGs and DIGs who stand implicated in inquiries into the explosions on Easter Sunday in 2019 are yet holding office and enjoying promotions. The NPC and the IGP had not considered it necessary to enforce provisions of the Establishment Code, and place them on Compulsory Leave or under interdiction. It is unlikely that this omission has even been influenced by politics.
The print media had recently reported that the NPC would soon be responsible for appointment, transfer, retirement and disciplinary control of police officers, commencing from OICs of police stations. It is doubtful whether these changes will help the service to regain it’s independence if the performance of the NPC in recent times is an index. It is unarguable that the achievement of police independence will be an onerous task, with those in power structures finding clever ways of overcoming whatever mechanisms are introduced to achieve it.
Just as much as the political opposition cries for the abolition of the presidency but permits its continuance if they gain political power, they may similarly like to enjoy the benefits of a complicit police if in power, despite clamouring for an independent police when in opposition.
The pernicious strategy of governments cultivating favourite police officers by helping them with promotions outside the line of seniority may have been circumvented by pointing out that “individual interests” cannot be given precedence over “service interests”, if catering to individual interests affect the efficacy of the service. This argument may have been convincing to many of those in power structures.
One definite change that could seriously be considered is for all seniors from IGP to DIG to retire at the right time without extensions. IGPs also have a tendency to look for postings after retirement. With such goals influencing them, the result would be that they would be less inclined to stand their ground against interferences. Cyril Herath stands out like a beacon for being the only IGP who voluntarily left office on a matter of principle. He even refused an ambassadorial post.
If the National Police is in the throes of a serious crisis with police officers looking more to political masters than the IGP for advancement in their careers, it is hardly likely that the provincial police would be any better. Seeing the proximate links forged by senior officers in the national police with influential politicians, it is difficult to foresee whether provincial DIGs’ under the 13th Amendment would do any better.
The nexus between the Chief Minister and the DIG is likely to be formidable. There was wisdom in the policy in practise up to the early 198’s where provincial DIGs worked from police headquarters to achieve a distance between political heavyweights in the provinces and Range DIGs. This way, the strain on police independence was far less.
The IGP’s relationship with the DIGs in the provinces may, be tenuous, with many provincial DIGs emerging as factotums of Chief Ministers. Rajan Phillips has rightly pointed out that the “National Mess” should first be remedied, prior to refining the Provincial Policing System.
Combatting subversion and terrorism
Interests connected with National Security may also suffer under provincial policing. The constable in a police station has potential to procure information because he moves with the people and has his ears to the ground. Each police station may have an intelligence cell, with the provincial police Special Branch coordinating them. The provincial police divisions would also have investigation units to inquire into subversion and terrorism.
Whilst all these cogs have to be coordinated by the provincial police DIGs and SPs, the system has to be locked effectively with the SIS, CID which combat threats nationally. Such coordination and control may have to depend to a considerable degree on the goodwill and willingness of provincial units to respond to the Centre.
Control would best be served by a central or unitary command, with national and provincial police cogs effectively coordinated. It may also be necessary to be conscious that conditions in the North and East maybe dissimilar to those in the other provinces; therefore national agencies connected with National Security may find the task of reaching up to provincial counterparts more difficult than with those in other provinces.
by Dr Gotabhya Ranasinghe
Senior Consultant Cardiologist
National Hospital Sri Lanka
When we sought a meeting with Hon Dr. Ramesh Pathirana, Minister of Health, he graciously cleared his busy schedule to accommodate us. Renowned for his attentive listening and deep understanding, Minister Pathirana is dedicated to advancing the health sector. His openness and transparency exemplify the qualities of an exemplary politician and minister.
Dr. Palitha Mahipala, the current Health Secretary, demonstrates both commendable enthusiasm and unwavering support. This combination of attributes makes him a highly compatible colleague for the esteemed Minister of Health.
Our discussion centered on a project that has been in the works for the past 30 years, one that no other minister had managed to advance.
Minister Pathirana, however, recognized the project’s significance and its potential to revolutionize care for heart patients.
The project involves the construction of a state-of-the-art facility at the premises of the National Hospital Colombo. The project’s location within the premises of the National Hospital underscores its importance and relevance to the healthcare infrastructure of the nation.
This facility will include a cardiology building and a tertiary care center, equipped with the latest technology to handle and treat all types of heart-related conditions and surgeries.
Securing funding was a major milestone for this initiative. Minister Pathirana successfully obtained approval for a $40 billion loan from the Asian Development Bank. With the funding in place, the foundation stone is scheduled to be laid in September this year, and construction will begin in January 2025.
This project guarantees a consistent and uninterrupted supply of stents and related medications for heart patients. As a result, patients will have timely access to essential medical supplies during their treatment and recovery. By securing these critical resources, the project aims to enhance patient outcomes, minimize treatment delays, and maintain the highest standards of cardiac care.
Upon its fruition, this monumental building will serve as a beacon of hope and healing, symbolizing the unwavering dedication to improving patient outcomes and fostering a healthier society.We anticipate a future marked by significant progress and positive outcomes in Sri Lanka’s cardiovascular treatment landscape within the foreseeable timeframe.
by Fr. Emmanuel Fernando, OMI
Jesuit Fr. Aloysius Pieris (affectionately called Fr. Aloy) celebrated his 90th birthday on April 9, 2024 and I, as the editor of our Oblate Journal, THE MISSIONARY OBLATE had gone to press by that time. Immediately I decided to publish an article, appreciating the untiring selfless services he continues to offer for inter-Faith dialogue, the renewal of the Catholic Church, his concern for the poor and the suffering Sri Lankan masses and to me, the present writer.
It was in 1988, when I was appointed Director of the Oblate Scholastics at Ampitiya by the then Oblate Provincial Fr. Anselm Silva, that I came to know Fr. Aloy more closely. Knowing well his expertise in matters spiritual, theological, Indological and pastoral, and with the collaborative spirit of my companion-formators, our Oblate Scholastics were sent to Tulana, the Research and Encounter Centre, Kelaniya, of which he is the Founder-Director, for ‘exposure-programmes’ on matters spiritual, biblical, theological and pastoral. Some of these dimensions according to my view and that of my companion-formators, were not available at the National Seminary, Ampitiya.
Ever since that time, our Oblate formators/ accompaniers at the Oblate Scholasticate, Ampitiya , have continued to send our Oblate Scholastics to Tulana Centre for deepening their insights and convictions regarding matters needed to serve the people in today’s context. Fr. Aloy also had tried very enthusiastically with the Oblate team headed by Frs. Oswald Firth and Clement Waidyasekara to begin a Theologate, directed by the Religious Congregations in Sri Lanka, for the contextual formation/ accompaniment of their members. It should very well be a desired goal of the Leaders / Provincials of the Religious Congregations.
Besides being a formator/accompanier at the Oblate Scholasticate, I was entrusted also with the task of editing and publishing our Oblate journal, ‘The Missionary Oblate’. To maintain the quality of the journal I continue to depend on Fr. Aloy for his thought-provoking and stimulating articles on Biblical Spirituality, Biblical Theology and Ecclesiology. I am very grateful to him for his generous assistance. Of late, his writings on renewal of the Church, initiated by Pope St. John XX111 and continued by Pope Francis through the Synodal path, published in our Oblate journal, enable our readers to focus their attention also on the needed renewal in the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka. Fr. Aloy appreciated very much the Synodal path adopted by the Jesuit Pope Francis for the renewal of the Church, rooted very much on prayerful discernment. In my Religious and presbyteral life, Fr.Aloy continues to be my spiritual animator / guide and ongoing formator / acccompanier.
Fr. Aloysius Pieris, BA Hons (Lond), LPh (SHC, India), STL (PFT, Naples), PhD (SLU/VC), ThD (Tilburg), D.Ltt (KU), has been one of the eminent Asian theologians well recognized internationally and one who has lectured and held visiting chairs in many universities both in the West and in the East. Many members of Religious Congregations from Asian countries have benefited from his lectures and guidance in the East Asian Pastoral Institute (EAPI) in Manila, Philippines. He had been a Theologian consulted by the Federation of Asian Bishops’ Conferences for many years. During his professorship at the Gregorian University in Rome, he was called to be a member of a special group of advisers on other religions consulted by Pope Paul VI.
Fr. Aloy is the author of more than 30 books and well over 500 Research Papers. Some of his books and articles have been translated and published in several countries. Among those books, one can find the following: 1) The Genesis of an Asian Theology of Liberation (An Autobiographical Excursus on the Art of Theologising in Asia, 2) An Asian Theology of Liberation, 3) Providential Timeliness of Vatican 11 (a long-overdue halt to a scandalous millennium, 4) Give Vatican 11 a chance, 5) Leadership in the Church, 6) Relishing our faith in working for justice (Themes for study and discussion), 7) A Message meant mainly, not exclusively for Jesuits (Background information necessary for helping Francis renew the Church), 8) Lent in Lanka (Reflections and Resolutions, 9) Love meets wisdom (A Christian Experience of Buddhism, 10) Fire and Water 11) God’s Reign for God’s poor, 12) Our Unhiddden Agenda (How we Jesuits work, pray and form our men). He is also the Editor of two journals, Vagdevi, Journal of Religious Reflection and Dialogue, New Series.
Fr. Aloy has a BA in Pali and Sanskrit from the University of London and a Ph.D in Buddhist Philosophy from the University of Sri Lankan, Vidyodaya Campus. On Nov. 23, 2019, he was awarded the prestigious honorary Doctorate of Literature (D.Litt) by the Chancellor of the University of Kelaniya, the Most Venerable Welamitiyawe Dharmakirthi Sri Kusala Dhamma Thera.
Fr. Aloy continues to be a promoter of Gospel values and virtues. Justice as a constitutive dimension of love and social concern for the downtrodden masses are very much noted in his life and work. He had very much appreciated the commitment of the late Fr. Joseph (Joe) Fernando, the National Director of the Social and Economic Centre (SEDEC) for the poor.
In Sri Lanka, a few religious Congregations – the Good Shepherd Sisters, the Christian Brothers, the Marist Brothers and the Oblates – have invited him to animate their members especially during their Provincial Congresses, Chapters and International Conferences. The mainline Christian Churches also have sought his advice and followed his seminars. I, for one, regret very much, that the Sri Lankan authorities of the Catholic Church –today’s Hierarchy—- have not sought Fr.
Aloy’s expertise for the renewal of the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka and thus have not benefited from the immense store of wisdom and insight that he can offer to our local Church while the Sri Lankan bishops who governed the Catholic church in the immediate aftermath of the Second Vatican Council (Edmund Fernando OMI, Anthony de Saram, Leo Nanayakkara OSB, Frank Marcus Fernando, Paul Perera,) visited him and consulted him on many matters. Among the Tamil Bishops, Bishop Rayappu Joseph was keeping close contact with him and Bishop J. Deogupillai hosted him and his team visiting him after the horrible Black July massacre of Tamils.
Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement
By Gomi Senadhira
senadhiragomi@gmail.com
“You might tell fairy tales, but the progress of a country cannot be achieved through such narratives. A country cannot be developed by making false promises. The country moved backward because of the electoral promises made by political parties throughout time. We have witnessed that the ultimate result of this is the country becoming bankrupt. Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet.” – President Ranil Wickremesinghe, 2024 Budget speech
Any Sri Lankan would agree with the above words of President Wickremesinghe on the false promises our politicians and officials make and the fairy tales they narrate which bankrupted this country. So, to understand this, let’s look at one such fairy tale with lots of false promises; Ranil Wickremesinghe’s greatest achievement in the area of international trade and investment promotion during the Yahapalana period, Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement (SLSFTA).
It is appropriate and timely to do it now as Finance Minister Wickremesinghe has just presented to parliament a bill on the National Policy on Economic Transformation which includes the establishment of an Office for International Trade and the Sri Lanka Institute of Economics and International Trade.
Was SLSFTA a “Cleverly negotiated Free Trade Agreement” as stated by the (former) Minister of Development Strategies and International Trade Malik Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate on the SLSFTA in July 2018, or a colossal blunder covered up with lies, false promises, and fairy tales? After SLSFTA was signed there were a number of fairy tales published on this agreement by the Ministry of Development Strategies and International, Institute of Policy Studies, and others.
However, for this article, I would like to limit my comments to the speech by Minister Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate, and the two most important areas in the agreement which were covered up with lies, fairy tales, and false promises, namely: revenue loss for Sri Lanka and Investment from Singapore. On the other important area, “Waste products dumping” I do not want to comment here as I have written extensively on the issue.
1. The revenue loss
During the Parliamentary Debate in July 2018, Minister Samarawickrama stated “…. let me reiterate that this FTA with Singapore has been very cleverly negotiated by us…. The liberalisation programme under this FTA has been carefully designed to have the least impact on domestic industry and revenue collection. We have included all revenue sensitive items in the negative list of items which will not be subject to removal of tariff. Therefore, 97.8% revenue from Customs duty is protected. Our tariff liberalisation will take place over a period of 12-15 years! In fact, the revenue earned through tariffs on goods imported from Singapore last year was Rs. 35 billion.
The revenue loss for over the next 15 years due to the FTA is only Rs. 733 million– which when annualised, on average, is just Rs. 51 million. That is just 0.14% per year! So anyone who claims the Singapore FTA causes revenue loss to the Government cannot do basic arithmetic! Mr. Speaker, in conclusion, I call on my fellow members of this House – don’t mislead the public with baseless criticism that is not grounded in facts. Don’t look at petty politics and use these issues for your own political survival.”
I was surprised to read the minister’s speech because an article published in January 2018 in “The Straits Times“, based on information released by the Singaporean Negotiators stated, “…. With the FTA, tariff savings for Singapore exports are estimated to hit $10 million annually“.
As the annual tariff savings (that is the revenue loss for Sri Lanka) calculated by the Singaporean Negotiators, Singaporean $ 10 million (Sri Lankan rupees 1,200 million in 2018) was way above the rupees’ 733 million revenue loss for 15 years estimated by the Sri Lankan negotiators, it was clear to any observer that one of the parties to the agreement had not done the basic arithmetic!
Six years later, according to a report published by “The Morning” newspaper, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) on 7th May 2024, Mr Samarawickrama’s chief trade negotiator K.J. Weerasinghehad had admitted “…. that forecasted revenue loss for the Government of Sri Lanka through the Singapore FTA is Rs. 450 million in 2023 and Rs. 1.3 billion in 2024.”
If these numbers are correct, as tariff liberalisation under the SLSFTA has just started, we will pass Rs 2 billion very soon. Then, the question is how Sri Lanka’s trade negotiators made such a colossal blunder. Didn’t they do their basic arithmetic? If they didn’t know how to do basic arithmetic they should have at least done their basic readings. For example, the headline of the article published in The Straits Times in January 2018 was “Singapore, Sri Lanka sign FTA, annual savings of $10m expected”.
Anyway, as Sri Lanka’s chief negotiator reiterated at the COPF meeting that “…. since 99% of the tariffs in Singapore have zero rates of duty, Sri Lanka has agreed on 80% tariff liberalisation over a period of 15 years while expecting Singapore investments to address the imbalance in trade,” let’s turn towards investment.
Investment from Singapore
In July 2018, speaking during the Parliamentary Debate on the FTA this is what Minister Malik Samarawickrama stated on investment from Singapore, “Already, thanks to this FTA, in just the past two-and-a-half months since the agreement came into effect we have received a proposal from Singapore for investment amounting to $ 14.8 billion in an oil refinery for export of petroleum products. In addition, we have proposals for a steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million), sugar refinery ($ 200 million). This adds up to more than $ 16.05 billion in the pipeline on these projects alone.
And all of these projects will create thousands of more jobs for our people. In principle approval has already been granted by the BOI and the investors are awaiting the release of land the environmental approvals to commence the project.
I request the Opposition and those with vested interests to change their narrow-minded thinking and join us to develop our country. We must always look at what is best for the whole community, not just the few who may oppose. We owe it to our people to courageously take decisions that will change their lives for the better.”
According to the media report I quoted earlier, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) Chief Negotiator Weerasinghe has admitted that Sri Lanka was not happy with overall Singapore investments that have come in the past few years in return for the trade liberalisation under the Singapore-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement. He has added that between 2021 and 2023 the total investment from Singapore had been around $162 million!
What happened to those projects worth $16 billion negotiated, thanks to the SLSFTA, in just the two-and-a-half months after the agreement came into effect and approved by the BOI? I do not know about the steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million) and sugar refinery ($ 200 million).
However, story of the multibillion-dollar investment in the Petroleum Refinery unfolded in a manner that would qualify it as the best fairy tale with false promises presented by our politicians and the officials, prior to 2019 elections.
Though many Sri Lankans got to know, through the media which repeatedly highlighted a plethora of issues surrounding the project and the questionable credentials of the Singaporean investor, the construction work on the Mirrijiwela Oil Refinery along with the cement factory began on the24th of March 2019 with a bang and Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and his ministers along with the foreign and local dignitaries laid the foundation stones.
That was few months before the 2019 Presidential elections. Inaugurating the construction work Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe said the projects will create thousands of job opportunities in the area and surrounding districts.
The oil refinery, which was to be built over 200 acres of land, with the capacity to refine 200,000 barrels of crude oil per day, was to generate US$7 billion of exports and create 1,500 direct and 3,000 indirect jobs. The construction of the refinery was to be completed in 44 months. Four years later, in August 2023 the Cabinet of Ministers approved the proposal presented by President Ranil Wickremesinghe to cancel the agreement with the investors of the refinery as the project has not been implemented! Can they explain to the country how much money was wasted to produce that fairy tale?
It is obvious that the President, ministers, and officials had made huge blunders and had deliberately misled the public and the parliament on the revenue loss and potential investment from SLSFTA with fairy tales and false promises.
As the president himself said, a country cannot be developed by making false promises or with fairy tales and these false promises and fairy tales had bankrupted the country. “Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet”.
(The writer, a specialist and an activist on trade and development issues . )
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