Features
Parliamentary fantasy and ground reality
The Wickremesinghe Presidency
by Anura Gunasekera
July 20, 2022, will go down in Sri Lanka’s history as a day of a political miracle, possible only in Sri Lanka.
Ranil Wickremesinghe, the man who lost in his own seat in the 2020 General Election, securing less than 3% of the ballot, was levered into Parliament, in June 2021, through the national list, to the single seat available in the house for his party, the UNP. On 12 May, 2022, through a questionably opaque political gambit, he is appointed Prime Minister by then President, Gotabaya Rajapaksa. On 9th July, his personal residence is reduced to rubble by an enraged mob, demanding his resignation. On 15th July, consequent to GR’s abdication, the man who received a paltry 30,000 votes in his own electoral district, replaces the man who was driven out of the country, despite being elected with an overwhelming national mandate of 6.9 million. On 20th July, beating all-known odds, and in defiance of all predictions, he is elected President by a huge majority in Parliament, in a house in which he was the sole representative of the once mighty United National Party.
Despite being elected Prime Minister, on six occasions, he was never able to complete a term. However, since the beginning of his career, in spite of being reviled, ridiculed and periodically defeated and sidelined, he has, somehow, survived the perilous journey through the political minefield of Sri Lanka. As the leader of the UNP, he presided over the rapid disintegration of his own party, towards which he made a significant contribution. But, today, he is the elected leader of the country, ironically, enthusiastically sponsored by the very members of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) which, in August 2020, consigned him to political oblivion. For decades a frequent starter but never a finisher, he has finally clambered to the top; discarded by the nation but recalled by a group, themselves rejected by the same nation.
It is equally ironic that the Aragalaya, committed to overturning a system which includes leaders of RW’s ilk, finally, unwittingly, created the very conditions which enabled RW’s resurrection and elevation to the highest office, after all other legitimate means had failed him. In a sense, although the Aragalists would despise the symbolism, RW has become the illegitimate offspring of their struggle. It also appears that the constitution of Sri Lanka, purported to enshrine the sovereignty of the people, facilitates and validates this travesty of what one might call natural justice and both the will and wish of the people.
Why was a relative nonentity, like Dulles, until very recently a Rajapaksa faithful, chosen to oppose RW? The most obvious answer would be that Sajith Premadasa, faced with a second career challenge within weeks, again showed no stomach for the fight. In this situation the most obvious candidate to oppose RW would have been the Leader of the Opposition. Under the circumstances, one would have naturally expected Sajith to heed the call of the nation, and on its behalf carry that fight into Parliament, instead of placing a stooge on the firing line. Hirunika Premachandra, a woman with no place in Parliament, has done more on behalf of the people in the street itself, in the last couple of months, than what Sajith has done in Parliament since August 2020.
An analysis of the voting pattern, on behalf of Dulles, clearly indicates that I mentioned this in a previous writing (The Island – 17/07/22) and shall say it again; Sajith needs to replace rhetoric with action; he pales in comparison with previous leaders of the Opposition, and does not merit mention in the same breath with his late father, Ranasinghe Premadasa, who was unflinchingly resolute in adversity.
Sajith has not been able to muster total SJB support on behalf of his nominee, and nor has he been able to ensure the full support of the minor parties. Under these circumstances, obviously, the leadership of both the SJB and the combined opposition needs review. I mentioned this in a previous writing (The Island – 17/07/22) and shall say it again; Sajith needs to replace rhetoric with action; he pales in comparison with previous leaders of the Opposition, and does not merit mention in the same breath with his late father, Ranasinghe Premadasa, who was unflinchingly resolute in adversity.
For the last several months ordinary people, such as students, daily-wage earners, housewives, three-wheeler drivers have been doing the job of the Opposition, in cities and towns all over the island. Since it is clear that Sajith is unable to complement that dynamism with political leadership, it is fitting that he hands over the reins to another. Had he contested RW and lost, he would have still have been able to regain the credibility he lost by his reluctance to accept the premiership, when it was on offer earlier. It cannot be lost on him either, that had he seized that opportunity, he may have been the President elect today. The perfect landing strip that he yearns for does not exist in real-time politics. The RW-Pohottuwa vanguard needs to be countered with a robust, combined Opposition of all the other parties, led by a politician with durable moral fibre; Sajith, with his clear lack of resolve, has proved that he is no longer a choice.
The parliamentary majority that the Dulles faction claimed, clearly on assurances given prior to the actual election, evaporated overnight and, predictably, the house of ill-fame at Diyawanna produced a skewed result. The procurers, courtesans and their patrons – all appointed by the people – conspired to deliver an outcome, which has once again inflamed public sentiment, temporarily soothed by Gota’s eviction. Vote-buying on the promise of a range of rewards, as alleged widely – not an uncommon reality in Sri Lankan politics – may have resulted in a Presidency auction instead of an election.
RW’s first major command decision, unleashing the dogs of war on the Aragalists at the Presidential Secretariat, pre-empting a possible peaceful vacation of the premises, has drawn justifiable condemnation, both locally and internationally. The Aragalaya itself appears to have changed in both complexion and composition. Ordinary citizens of all social and economic classes have withdrawn and the Aragalaya is now represented by more militant, professional agitators, seemingly drawn largely from the Frontline Socialist Party and the Inter-University Federation, with some assistance from habitual malcontents who occupy the fringe of all strife, irrespective of political belief.
A manifesto, allegedly representing the Aragalaya vision for future governance, is being circulated widely in social media. To me, it is an unhealthy and impractical blend of reason and un-reason, laced with a few “Pol-Potish” elements, which would create a clear sense of unease in any citizen with a democratic and liberal mindset. If the Aragalaya is to challenge the RW regime, as it should, it must also evolve a practical post-Aragalaya agenda, with which the majority can engage without apprehension.
The current political reality is that RW is president, as powerful as the deposed tyrant, Gotabhaya. The Pohottuwa would have endorsed his candidacy, only on certain assurances which would enable its members to continue as before. Despite the eviction of a Rajapaksa president, the ground reality is still a Rajapaksa dispensation with a “neo-liberal leader”, which, from the first day itself, promises to be more repressive than its predecessor. The cancer has not been excised whilst the cabinet appointments of a convict, Prasanna Ranatunga, the discredited Keheliya Rambukwella and Bandula Gunawardena suggest that issues such as personal integrity and credibility did not feature significantly in the selection criteria.
Every time the law-makers assemble, the Diyawanna house becomes a garrison. Massive metal barricades manned by heavily armed troops need to be in place, before our representatives feel safe enough to attend to the business of governance. Therefore, it is clear that the law-makers themselves have accepted their illegitimacy in the eyes of the people. No democratic government can cower permanently behind a military shield, and pretend to represent the people. Eventually, those fortifications will be breached by an enraged nation, despite the possibility of real bullets replacing tear gas and water cannon.
The only possible solution to this impasse is a general election, as soon as that becomes practically possible. It should be held as soon as the current shortages have been eased and stability introduced to the financial system, and no later than six months down the line. RW should make haste to announce a date to a nation, totally disenchanted with the current governance. The people must be allowed to make their choices. Perhaps, if the lessons of recent history have not been forgotten by then, our electors will cast aside racial, religious and caste bigotry, irrational political affiliations, and vote with wisdom, rationality and selectivity.
Our nation needs to understand that the ongoing social and economic implosion, was not entirely the result of the Gotabhaya presidency. His disastrously stupid decisions supplied the ingredients for critical mass, but the fault lines opened with the first independent governance of Sri Lanka, with successive governments cementing the concept of social justice, through the primacy of Sinhala nationalism. Language policy, disenfranchisement of plantation Tamils, the standardization of marks for university admission, the State-endorsed persecution of minorities, the ennobling of Buddhism and the demonization of other faiths, have entrenched in the psyche of a largely Sinhala-Buddhist nation, the notion that the primary concern of the State must be its Sinhala-Buddhist polity.
Unsustainable food subsidies, easy working hours and tolerance of low productivity in government service, political patronage for employment, a bloated and undisciplined public service with assured terminal benefits and the immense corruption and waste within the State machine- reinforced by a lack of accountability – have for long been an unendurable drain on State resources. Similarly, State patronage of enormous, loss-making enterprises (e. g., Sri Lankan Airlines) a ridiculously large standing army ( increased by about 25% since the end of the war in 2009), with a peace-time budget much greater than the allocation for education, a richly entitled legislature at both national and regional level, combine to contribute to unsustainable outgoings; a guaranteed fertilizer subsidy is a disincentive for farmers to increase land productivity. Also a word to unemployed graduates; the State provides you with an education but is not obliged to provide you with sinecure employment of your choice. You need to work at becoming employable and learn to accept what is available.
There is much, much more to the above but the nation as a whole, needs to understand the complexity of the problem Sri lanka is currently faced with, and acknowledge its witting and unwitting contribution to many of its features. Hand-outs from neighbouring nations and a bail-out from the IMF will only provide temporary relief. Changes of government will make but little difference. Salvation and long-term stability will be possible, only when we recognize and remedy the root causes ourselves. If the people take the initiative, as the “Araglaya” has convincingly demonstrated, the politicians will be compelled to follow suit.
by Dr Gotabhya Ranasinghe
Senior Consultant Cardiologist
National Hospital Sri Lanka
When we sought a meeting with Hon Dr. Ramesh Pathirana, Minister of Health, he graciously cleared his busy schedule to accommodate us. Renowned for his attentive listening and deep understanding, Minister Pathirana is dedicated to advancing the health sector. His openness and transparency exemplify the qualities of an exemplary politician and minister.
Dr. Palitha Mahipala, the current Health Secretary, demonstrates both commendable enthusiasm and unwavering support. This combination of attributes makes him a highly compatible colleague for the esteemed Minister of Health.
Our discussion centered on a project that has been in the works for the past 30 years, one that no other minister had managed to advance.
Minister Pathirana, however, recognized the project’s significance and its potential to revolutionize care for heart patients.
The project involves the construction of a state-of-the-art facility at the premises of the National Hospital Colombo. The project’s location within the premises of the National Hospital underscores its importance and relevance to the healthcare infrastructure of the nation.
This facility will include a cardiology building and a tertiary care center, equipped with the latest technology to handle and treat all types of heart-related conditions and surgeries.
Securing funding was a major milestone for this initiative. Minister Pathirana successfully obtained approval for a $40 billion loan from the Asian Development Bank. With the funding in place, the foundation stone is scheduled to be laid in September this year, and construction will begin in January 2025.
This project guarantees a consistent and uninterrupted supply of stents and related medications for heart patients. As a result, patients will have timely access to essential medical supplies during their treatment and recovery. By securing these critical resources, the project aims to enhance patient outcomes, minimize treatment delays, and maintain the highest standards of cardiac care.
Upon its fruition, this monumental building will serve as a beacon of hope and healing, symbolizing the unwavering dedication to improving patient outcomes and fostering a healthier society.We anticipate a future marked by significant progress and positive outcomes in Sri Lanka’s cardiovascular treatment landscape within the foreseeable timeframe.
by Fr. Emmanuel Fernando, OMI
Jesuit Fr. Aloysius Pieris (affectionately called Fr. Aloy) celebrated his 90th birthday on April 9, 2024 and I, as the editor of our Oblate Journal, THE MISSIONARY OBLATE had gone to press by that time. Immediately I decided to publish an article, appreciating the untiring selfless services he continues to offer for inter-Faith dialogue, the renewal of the Catholic Church, his concern for the poor and the suffering Sri Lankan masses and to me, the present writer.
It was in 1988, when I was appointed Director of the Oblate Scholastics at Ampitiya by the then Oblate Provincial Fr. Anselm Silva, that I came to know Fr. Aloy more closely. Knowing well his expertise in matters spiritual, theological, Indological and pastoral, and with the collaborative spirit of my companion-formators, our Oblate Scholastics were sent to Tulana, the Research and Encounter Centre, Kelaniya, of which he is the Founder-Director, for ‘exposure-programmes’ on matters spiritual, biblical, theological and pastoral. Some of these dimensions according to my view and that of my companion-formators, were not available at the National Seminary, Ampitiya.
Ever since that time, our Oblate formators/ accompaniers at the Oblate Scholasticate, Ampitiya , have continued to send our Oblate Scholastics to Tulana Centre for deepening their insights and convictions regarding matters needed to serve the people in today’s context. Fr. Aloy also had tried very enthusiastically with the Oblate team headed by Frs. Oswald Firth and Clement Waidyasekara to begin a Theologate, directed by the Religious Congregations in Sri Lanka, for the contextual formation/ accompaniment of their members. It should very well be a desired goal of the Leaders / Provincials of the Religious Congregations.
Besides being a formator/accompanier at the Oblate Scholasticate, I was entrusted also with the task of editing and publishing our Oblate journal, ‘The Missionary Oblate’. To maintain the quality of the journal I continue to depend on Fr. Aloy for his thought-provoking and stimulating articles on Biblical Spirituality, Biblical Theology and Ecclesiology. I am very grateful to him for his generous assistance. Of late, his writings on renewal of the Church, initiated by Pope St. John XX111 and continued by Pope Francis through the Synodal path, published in our Oblate journal, enable our readers to focus their attention also on the needed renewal in the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka. Fr. Aloy appreciated very much the Synodal path adopted by the Jesuit Pope Francis for the renewal of the Church, rooted very much on prayerful discernment. In my Religious and presbyteral life, Fr.Aloy continues to be my spiritual animator / guide and ongoing formator / acccompanier.
Fr. Aloysius Pieris, BA Hons (Lond), LPh (SHC, India), STL (PFT, Naples), PhD (SLU/VC), ThD (Tilburg), D.Ltt (KU), has been one of the eminent Asian theologians well recognized internationally and one who has lectured and held visiting chairs in many universities both in the West and in the East. Many members of Religious Congregations from Asian countries have benefited from his lectures and guidance in the East Asian Pastoral Institute (EAPI) in Manila, Philippines. He had been a Theologian consulted by the Federation of Asian Bishops’ Conferences for many years. During his professorship at the Gregorian University in Rome, he was called to be a member of a special group of advisers on other religions consulted by Pope Paul VI.
Fr. Aloy is the author of more than 30 books and well over 500 Research Papers. Some of his books and articles have been translated and published in several countries. Among those books, one can find the following: 1) The Genesis of an Asian Theology of Liberation (An Autobiographical Excursus on the Art of Theologising in Asia, 2) An Asian Theology of Liberation, 3) Providential Timeliness of Vatican 11 (a long-overdue halt to a scandalous millennium, 4) Give Vatican 11 a chance, 5) Leadership in the Church, 6) Relishing our faith in working for justice (Themes for study and discussion), 7) A Message meant mainly, not exclusively for Jesuits (Background information necessary for helping Francis renew the Church), 8) Lent in Lanka (Reflections and Resolutions, 9) Love meets wisdom (A Christian Experience of Buddhism, 10) Fire and Water 11) God’s Reign for God’s poor, 12) Our Unhiddden Agenda (How we Jesuits work, pray and form our men). He is also the Editor of two journals, Vagdevi, Journal of Religious Reflection and Dialogue, New Series.
Fr. Aloy has a BA in Pali and Sanskrit from the University of London and a Ph.D in Buddhist Philosophy from the University of Sri Lankan, Vidyodaya Campus. On Nov. 23, 2019, he was awarded the prestigious honorary Doctorate of Literature (D.Litt) by the Chancellor of the University of Kelaniya, the Most Venerable Welamitiyawe Dharmakirthi Sri Kusala Dhamma Thera.
Fr. Aloy continues to be a promoter of Gospel values and virtues. Justice as a constitutive dimension of love and social concern for the downtrodden masses are very much noted in his life and work. He had very much appreciated the commitment of the late Fr. Joseph (Joe) Fernando, the National Director of the Social and Economic Centre (SEDEC) for the poor.
In Sri Lanka, a few religious Congregations – the Good Shepherd Sisters, the Christian Brothers, the Marist Brothers and the Oblates – have invited him to animate their members especially during their Provincial Congresses, Chapters and International Conferences. The mainline Christian Churches also have sought his advice and followed his seminars. I, for one, regret very much, that the Sri Lankan authorities of the Catholic Church –today’s Hierarchy—- have not sought Fr.
Aloy’s expertise for the renewal of the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka and thus have not benefited from the immense store of wisdom and insight that he can offer to our local Church while the Sri Lankan bishops who governed the Catholic church in the immediate aftermath of the Second Vatican Council (Edmund Fernando OMI, Anthony de Saram, Leo Nanayakkara OSB, Frank Marcus Fernando, Paul Perera,) visited him and consulted him on many matters. Among the Tamil Bishops, Bishop Rayappu Joseph was keeping close contact with him and Bishop J. Deogupillai hosted him and his team visiting him after the horrible Black July massacre of Tamils.
Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement
By Gomi Senadhira
senadhiragomi@gmail.com
“You might tell fairy tales, but the progress of a country cannot be achieved through such narratives. A country cannot be developed by making false promises. The country moved backward because of the electoral promises made by political parties throughout time. We have witnessed that the ultimate result of this is the country becoming bankrupt. Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet.” – President Ranil Wickremesinghe, 2024 Budget speech
Any Sri Lankan would agree with the above words of President Wickremesinghe on the false promises our politicians and officials make and the fairy tales they narrate which bankrupted this country. So, to understand this, let’s look at one such fairy tale with lots of false promises; Ranil Wickremesinghe’s greatest achievement in the area of international trade and investment promotion during the Yahapalana period, Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement (SLSFTA).
It is appropriate and timely to do it now as Finance Minister Wickremesinghe has just presented to parliament a bill on the National Policy on Economic Transformation which includes the establishment of an Office for International Trade and the Sri Lanka Institute of Economics and International Trade.
Was SLSFTA a “Cleverly negotiated Free Trade Agreement” as stated by the (former) Minister of Development Strategies and International Trade Malik Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate on the SLSFTA in July 2018, or a colossal blunder covered up with lies, false promises, and fairy tales? After SLSFTA was signed there were a number of fairy tales published on this agreement by the Ministry of Development Strategies and International, Institute of Policy Studies, and others.
However, for this article, I would like to limit my comments to the speech by Minister Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate, and the two most important areas in the agreement which were covered up with lies, fairy tales, and false promises, namely: revenue loss for Sri Lanka and Investment from Singapore. On the other important area, “Waste products dumping” I do not want to comment here as I have written extensively on the issue.
1. The revenue loss
During the Parliamentary Debate in July 2018, Minister Samarawickrama stated “…. let me reiterate that this FTA with Singapore has been very cleverly negotiated by us…. The liberalisation programme under this FTA has been carefully designed to have the least impact on domestic industry and revenue collection. We have included all revenue sensitive items in the negative list of items which will not be subject to removal of tariff. Therefore, 97.8% revenue from Customs duty is protected. Our tariff liberalisation will take place over a period of 12-15 years! In fact, the revenue earned through tariffs on goods imported from Singapore last year was Rs. 35 billion.
The revenue loss for over the next 15 years due to the FTA is only Rs. 733 million– which when annualised, on average, is just Rs. 51 million. That is just 0.14% per year! So anyone who claims the Singapore FTA causes revenue loss to the Government cannot do basic arithmetic! Mr. Speaker, in conclusion, I call on my fellow members of this House – don’t mislead the public with baseless criticism that is not grounded in facts. Don’t look at petty politics and use these issues for your own political survival.”
I was surprised to read the minister’s speech because an article published in January 2018 in “The Straits Times“, based on information released by the Singaporean Negotiators stated, “…. With the FTA, tariff savings for Singapore exports are estimated to hit $10 million annually“.
As the annual tariff savings (that is the revenue loss for Sri Lanka) calculated by the Singaporean Negotiators, Singaporean $ 10 million (Sri Lankan rupees 1,200 million in 2018) was way above the rupees’ 733 million revenue loss for 15 years estimated by the Sri Lankan negotiators, it was clear to any observer that one of the parties to the agreement had not done the basic arithmetic!
Six years later, according to a report published by “The Morning” newspaper, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) on 7th May 2024, Mr Samarawickrama’s chief trade negotiator K.J. Weerasinghehad had admitted “…. that forecasted revenue loss for the Government of Sri Lanka through the Singapore FTA is Rs. 450 million in 2023 and Rs. 1.3 billion in 2024.”
If these numbers are correct, as tariff liberalisation under the SLSFTA has just started, we will pass Rs 2 billion very soon. Then, the question is how Sri Lanka’s trade negotiators made such a colossal blunder. Didn’t they do their basic arithmetic? If they didn’t know how to do basic arithmetic they should have at least done their basic readings. For example, the headline of the article published in The Straits Times in January 2018 was “Singapore, Sri Lanka sign FTA, annual savings of $10m expected”.
Anyway, as Sri Lanka’s chief negotiator reiterated at the COPF meeting that “…. since 99% of the tariffs in Singapore have zero rates of duty, Sri Lanka has agreed on 80% tariff liberalisation over a period of 15 years while expecting Singapore investments to address the imbalance in trade,” let’s turn towards investment.
Investment from Singapore
In July 2018, speaking during the Parliamentary Debate on the FTA this is what Minister Malik Samarawickrama stated on investment from Singapore, “Already, thanks to this FTA, in just the past two-and-a-half months since the agreement came into effect we have received a proposal from Singapore for investment amounting to $ 14.8 billion in an oil refinery for export of petroleum products. In addition, we have proposals for a steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million), sugar refinery ($ 200 million). This adds up to more than $ 16.05 billion in the pipeline on these projects alone.
And all of these projects will create thousands of more jobs for our people. In principle approval has already been granted by the BOI and the investors are awaiting the release of land the environmental approvals to commence the project.
I request the Opposition and those with vested interests to change their narrow-minded thinking and join us to develop our country. We must always look at what is best for the whole community, not just the few who may oppose. We owe it to our people to courageously take decisions that will change their lives for the better.”
According to the media report I quoted earlier, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) Chief Negotiator Weerasinghe has admitted that Sri Lanka was not happy with overall Singapore investments that have come in the past few years in return for the trade liberalisation under the Singapore-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement. He has added that between 2021 and 2023 the total investment from Singapore had been around $162 million!
What happened to those projects worth $16 billion negotiated, thanks to the SLSFTA, in just the two-and-a-half months after the agreement came into effect and approved by the BOI? I do not know about the steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million) and sugar refinery ($ 200 million).
However, story of the multibillion-dollar investment in the Petroleum Refinery unfolded in a manner that would qualify it as the best fairy tale with false promises presented by our politicians and the officials, prior to 2019 elections.
Though many Sri Lankans got to know, through the media which repeatedly highlighted a plethora of issues surrounding the project and the questionable credentials of the Singaporean investor, the construction work on the Mirrijiwela Oil Refinery along with the cement factory began on the24th of March 2019 with a bang and Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and his ministers along with the foreign and local dignitaries laid the foundation stones.
That was few months before the 2019 Presidential elections. Inaugurating the construction work Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe said the projects will create thousands of job opportunities in the area and surrounding districts.
The oil refinery, which was to be built over 200 acres of land, with the capacity to refine 200,000 barrels of crude oil per day, was to generate US$7 billion of exports and create 1,500 direct and 3,000 indirect jobs. The construction of the refinery was to be completed in 44 months. Four years later, in August 2023 the Cabinet of Ministers approved the proposal presented by President Ranil Wickremesinghe to cancel the agreement with the investors of the refinery as the project has not been implemented! Can they explain to the country how much money was wasted to produce that fairy tale?
It is obvious that the President, ministers, and officials had made huge blunders and had deliberately misled the public and the parliament on the revenue loss and potential investment from SLSFTA with fairy tales and false promises.
As the president himself said, a country cannot be developed by making false promises or with fairy tales and these false promises and fairy tales had bankrupted the country. “Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet”.
(The writer, a specialist and an activist on trade and development issues . )
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