Editorial
Monkeys as scapegoats
Thursday 11th January, 2024
Most countries in the world are pushing the envelope of smart farming, but Sri Lankan farmers are still struggling to buy agricultural inputs, protect their cultivations against pests and crop-damaging wildlife, and dispose of their produce to recover production costs. Not even locally growable food crops such as onions and finger millet are produced in sufficient amounts here to cater to the domestic demand. The farming community finds itself in a situation where most of its members seriously consider leaving the agricultural sector owing to extremely poor returns on their investment or losses. This is the report card of the politicians who never miss an opportunity to boast of what they call their contribution to the development of agriculture. These worthies are now trying to shift our focus from their failures, which are legion, to crop losses caused by wildlife. This is a subtle attempt to direct farmers’ anger at animals, we reckon.
Politicians are notorious for oversimplifying complex issues and offering binary solutions, which more often than not lead to quandaries. Minister of Agriculture Mahinda Amaraweera lamented in Parliament, on Tuesday (09), that Sri Lanka had missed an opportunity to send its monkeys to China. In answer to a question from an MP, he said that a plan to send as many as 100,000 crop-raiding monkeys to China, which had about 20,000 zoos, had gone awry due to legal action taken by animal rights groups. He also said the farmers who had guns were without ammunition.
Crop damage or losses due to depredations of wildlife is a very serious issue, which has to be tackled as a national priority. According to Mongabay, during the first half of 2022, around 144,989 metric tons of 28 types of crops, including paddy and vegetables, and 93 million coconuts were destroyed by animals, causing an overall loss of Rs. 30,215 million. Many farmers have been reduced to penury and are even driven to suicide, unable to feed and clothe their families much less pay back loans. It is only natural that they are resentful and hate animals that destroy their crops. No amount of pontificating about the virtues of protecting the lives of sentient beings will assuage their anger. They are desperate to have the crop-damaging wildlife warded off or contained or even physically eliminated. One has to walk a mile in a farmer’s shoes to realise the predicament of the farming community.
Monkeys are believed to be the worst crop raiders in this country. But there are other animals that destroy cultivations and some of them are elephants, porcupines, wild boar and giant squirrels. Are we to export these creatures as well to China or any other country?
Let those who are all out to send monkeys to China be urged to read what has been revealed about
China in Peter Singer’s seminal book, Animal Liberation Now, which is considered the bible of animal rights activists and animal welfare movements the world over: “Zhiyan Consulting, a Chinese business consulting firm, states that in 2021, the demand for rats and mice for scientific purposes was 49.8 million, for rabbits 2.2 million, for non-human primates 129,000 and for dogs 64,000, making a total of more than 52 million animals (pp 30 and 31).” This fact must be borne in mind, when calls are made for sending monkeys to China.
Minister Amaraweera has revealed, at a discussion with a group of agricultural experts, that post-harvest losses amount to as much as 40%. According to what transpired at the aforesaid meeting, in 2021 food sufficient for 10 million people went to waste. If the wild animals that destroy crops are to be ‘banished’, shouldn’t those who have failed to minimise the colossal waste of food be dealt with in a similar manner?
Successive governments have only paid lip service to the development of the agricultural sector, which lacks storage and transport facilities and state assistance to keep production costs low. If post-harvest losses can be minimised significantly, perhaps it may be possible to increase the national agricultural output without destroying the crop-damaging wildlife and opening up more land, especially precious peripheral forests, for cultivation.
Forest tanks and ecosystems that support wildlife have been neglected or encroached upon over the decades. When these habitats are destroyed, animals raid cultivations and villages in search of food and water. Elephant corridors have been blocked, and the human-jumbo conflict has escalated as a result. The task of managing and conserving peripheral forests has been removed from the purview of the Forest Department and placed under the District Secretaries so that the backers of the ruling party can encroach on them by intimidating malleable state officials with little or no expertise in forest conservation.
However essential short-term measures may be to enable farmers to protect their cultivations against crop-damaging wildlife and minimise losses, what is needed is to find a durable solution to strike a fine balance between the protection of agricultural interests and the wildlife conservation. This is a delicate task to be carried out cautiously with no room being left for politically convenient extreme action. A holistic approach needs to be adopted so that conflicts between farmers and wild animals can be reduced to a bare minimum. It requires a great deal of innovative thinking and meticulous planning, and should be left to experts representing all stakeholders.
Saturday 8th June, 2024
It was with shock and dismay that we received the news about death threats to COPF (Committee on Public Finance) Chairman Dr. Harsha de Silva over the ongoing parliamentary probe into the on-arrival visa scam. Dr. de Silva yesterday told Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, in Parliament, that he was facing death threats and intimidation, and it was incumbent upon Parliament to ensure his safety. He stopped short of naming names, but revealed that some ruling party MPs were among those who had ganged up against him. The Speaker only said there had been no complaint, and he would look into the matter.
The SLPP-UNP government has been doing everything in its power to have all parliamentary committees under its thumb. The COPE (Committee on Public Enterprises), which once helped restore public faith in the legislature by exposing state sector corruption, has now become a mere appendage of the incumbent regime, thanks to the appointment of SLPP MP Rohitha Abeygunawardena as its Chairman. The SLPP-UNP combine also tried to oust COPF Chairman Dr. de Silva, but in vain. However, it knows more than one way to shoe a horse.
The COPF, under Dr. de Silva’s chairmanship, has been a thorn in the side of the government, which is struggling to cover up numerous corrupt deals. Dr. de Silva yesterday told Parliament that he found it extremely difficult to function as the COPF head due to severe resource constraints his committee was facing; he himself had to pay the salaries of some of his staff members besides burning the midnight oil.
The sheer workload he had to cope with as the COPF chief had taken its toll on his health, he said, informing the Speaker that he was at the end of his tether, and at times thought of resigning from the COPF. This is exactly what the government wants him to do; resource squeezes and threats are aimed at making him quit.
On 26 May, Dr. de Silva revealed, in an ‘X’ post, that the COPF had uncovered some vital information about the visa scam and it would reveal everything after its final meeting on the issue; the COPF was committed to exposing the truth behind the controversial tender, he added. In an editorial comment on 27 May, we warned him.
While thanking him for his bold stand, we pointed out that by making such a statement, he had thrown caution to the wind, and become a marked target, with the government making an all-out effort to delay the COPF investigation lest the truth should come out much to the detriment of its interests in this election year. Unfortunately, what was feared has come about; Dr. de Silva is complaining of death threats and government moves to strangulate the COPF financially to derail its investigations.
Dr. de Silva’s predicament exemplifies the fate that befalls the few good men and women in Parliament. It is hoped that all those who seek an end to the state sector corruption will rally behind Dr. de Silva, and bring pressure to bear on the government to ensure his safety. Let Dr. de Silva be urged to reveal the names of those who have issued threats, veiled or otherwise, to him and are trying to scuttle the COPF probes.
Friday 7th June, 2024
The SLPP-UNP government is going hell for leather to make bad laws as if there were no tomorrow. It is abusing its parliamentary majority, which has been retained with the help of some crossovers, for that purpose. The Opposition, the media and trade unions are up in arms, and understandably so. The incumbent regime is a dead man walking; it is so desperate that it is capable of anything. Hence the need for it to be restrained.
The Electricity (Amendment) Bill (EAB) plunged Parliament into turmoil yesterday, but the government secured its passage. The Supreme Court (SC) determined the entire EAB inconsistent with the Constitution and recommended changes thereto. After unveiling the Bill, sometime ago, Minister of Power and Energy Kanchana Wijesekera hailed it as an excellent piece of legislation aimed at straightening up the power sector to serve the public interest better.
The SC determination left him with egg on his face. He reminded us of the proverbial curate who, while eating a stale egg, assured his host, a Bishop, that parts of it were excellent. Wijesekera’s egg, as it were, made Parliament stink yesterday, but he sought to please his masters by praising it as a silver bullet.
EAB should have been discarded and a new one drafted in consultation with all stakeholders. But the government is apparently driven by an ulterior motive; its aim is not to serve Sri Lanka’s interests but to look after those of some moneybags.
It is not uncommon for Bills to contain some flaws, which are rectified either before or during the committee stage. But there is something terribly wrong with draft Bills that are full of sections inconsistent with the Constitution. The drafters of EAB have demonstrated their sheer ignorance of the supreme law, and that they are not equal to the task of drafting Bills. If they had read the Constitution at least perfunctorily, they would not have drafted such a bad law.
Ignorant and incompetent, they do not deserve to be paid with public funds and must be sent back to law school. They must be summoned before Parliament and questioned on their serious lapses, which have caused public faith in the national legislature to diminish.
Curiously, the MPs who demand that judges, doctors, Central Bankers, and other public officials be summoned before Parliament have taken badly drafted Bills for granted. The power sector trade unions yesterday alleged that EAB was of Indian origin and geared towards furthering the interests of Adani Group at the expense of Sri Lanka.
Most critics of EAB are agreeable in principle to the need for power sector reforms; the Ceylon Electricity Board should be given a radical shake-up, and transformed into a modern organisation capable of providing a better service at a lower cost. They only asked the government to tread cautiously, consulting all stakeholders and taking action to ensure that the country’s interests prevailed over everything else. But the government was in a mighty hurry to steamroller the Bill through Parliament, making the Opposition ask whether it was doing so at the behest of some external forces involved in controversial power generation deals here.
What is passed by the current Parliament can be either amended or abolished by a future parliament in a constitutionally prescribed manner. But that does not mean that a government is free to pass bad laws, making the country enter into long-term agreements with powerful nations and their investors. It looks as if the SLPP-UNP regime did not care two hoots about the consequences of its actions.
Thursday 6th June, 2024
The outcome of India’s parliamentary election (2024) has led to a ‘perspective ambiguity’. Prime Minister Narendra Modi lost no time in declaring victory for the BJP-led NDA alliance, which secured 293 seats in the 543-member Parliament, but he must be a worried man. The BJP is short of 32 seats to form a government under its own steam; it has lost 63 seats or about 20% of its parliamentary strength. It had 303 seats in the previous Parliament, and that number has dropped to 240.
Modi has become the second Indian Prime Minister to win a third term. The first PM to do so was Jawaharlal Nehru. But Nehru won an outright majority in Parliament in 1962; Modi has had to depend on smaller parties in his alliance to retain his hold on power. Modi must be reeling from a sharp drop in his victory margin in his own constituency, Varanasi; it has decreased to 152,000 from 480,000 in 2019 whereas Modi’s bete noire, Rahul Gandhi, won Raebareli by a staggering 390,000 votes.
Modi, who reigned supreme with 303 seats in the previous Parliament, is now dependent on parties such as Nitish Kumar’s JD-U and Chandrababu Naidu’s TDP to form a government. He has had to lead an alliance of strange bedfellows. Both Kumar and Naidu were bitter critics of Modi. Kumar helped form the oppositional alliance, the INDIA bloc, before switching his allegiance to PM Modi. Naidu also closed ranks with the BJP in the run-up to the election. These politicians have been described as extremely ambitious and highly unpredictable, and whether Modi will be able to manage them and consolidate his grip on the NDA alliance remains to be seen. They will demand plum ministerial posts in return for their support. The TDP is said to be eyeing Transport and Health portfolios! That is the name of the game in coalition politics, where it is not uncommon for the tail to wag the dog, so to speak. These two political leaders are however not the only problem Modi will have to contend with. The next five years will feel like an eternity for PM Modi.
Nothing would have been more shocking for the BJP than its defeat in Uttar Pradesh’s Faizabad constituency, where the Ram Mandir has been built. Modi may have thought he would be able to win the Lok Sabha election hands down after the consecration of that temple, which became a centrepiece of the BJP’s election campaign. The BJP lost that seat to the Samajwadi Party! Modi must be disappointed that the Ram Mandir hype failed to trigger a massive wave of support for his party. This particular defeat signifies a massive setback for the BJP’s ethno-religious agenda.
Modi’s divisive election campaign failed to yield the desired result. The BJP’s failure to secure an outright majority could be attributed to a host of factors, some of them being the suppression of the Opposition, the arrogance of power, chronic unemployment, and the rising cost of living. The BJP also did not care to reimage itself in a positive light to attract the youth.
Modi will hereafter see the Congress-led INDIA bloc with 223 seats, in his rearview mirror. The Congress (99 seats) and its allies have eaten into the BJP support base considerably, but they have a long way to go before being able to capture power.
The bumpy ride ahead for the BJP-led coalition government to be formed may improve the INDIA bloc’s chances of bettering their electoral performance and turning the tables on the BJP and its allies in time to come. Modi will have a lot to worry about in his third term.
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