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Mahatma Gandhi (1869-1948): The Greatest Indian since the Buddha

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Mahatma Gandhi

by HAJ Hulugalle

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi was born in a small harbour-town on the west coast of India, in Kathiawar, called Porbandar, on October 2, 1869. He belonged by birth to the Vaishya, or trading caste. His grandfather and father both held the post of Dewan, or Prime Minister, under the Rajah in the Porbandar State.

Mohandas was the youngest son in a family of four children. His father died when he was 15 years old, and from that date his mother became the greatest influence in his life. Her widowhood was spent in prayer and devotion, and she became noted for the saintliness of her life. Her spiritual teacher was a Jain devotee named Bechar Swami. Among the Jains in India the central doctrine is the “sanctity of all life.” The greatest sin is to destroy life. This doctrine is called “Ahimsa,” which is often translated “Non-Violence,” but has a deeper meaning, implying compassion for all living creatures. Mohandas learnt this teaching from his mother, and it remained paramount with him all through his life.

In 1896 Mohandas Gandhi, as a young barrister, went out to the Transvaal in order to help a client in a legal suit. He signed an agreement to remain there for a year and his practical work as a barrister brought him a large income, and he was able to earn as much as 5,000 pounds a year. When he saw the political and social disabilities to which his fellow-countrymen were exposed, he determined at the end of the year to stay on in South Africa in order to help them in their struggle.

Very soon after this he became their recognized leader and adviser. Meanwhile a religious conflict had been taking place within him, which had left him no peace of mind. He wavered for a time, at one period attracted by theosophy, at another by the Christian faith. At last he found complete satisfaction through reading the later works of Count Tolstoy, with whom he later corresponded as a disciple. He related these to his own Hindu scriptures, especially the Bhagavad Gita and to the end of his life he remained a devout Hindu.

Realizing that his continued agitation for equality of status in South Africa was met only by the imposition of fresh restrictions upon the Indian Communities, Gandhi concluded that the only hope of amendment lay in a policy of active opposition to the authorities. It was then after about 13 years of more or less constitutional agitation, and following the enactment of a law which he considered an affront to Indian self-respect as well as Indian religion that Gandhi took his first vow of passive resistance.

The upshot of these events was the arrest and imprisonment of Gandhi at Pretoria until a compromise was reached but upon his release he resumed the agitation which led to the great strike of Indian workers in 1913 and the imprisonment of many of their leaders. On representations from Indian and Imperial Government circles the South African authorities at length adopted a more conciliatory attitude, and the Indian Relief Act and other reforms did much to remove the grievances.

These South African experiences and the concomitant issues go far towards explaining Gandhi’s later views and accounting for his deliberate attitude to Western civilization in general and British Imperialism in particular.

In 1914 he returned to India with certain definite convictions already settled in his mind and in accordance with which his whole subsequent policy has been regulated. Without relaxing his efforts to redress the “wrongs” of his countrymen, Gandhi for a number of years believed it was possible for India and Britain to enter into a righteous and honourable partnership, by means of which India would be able to build up her own particular constitution and take her full place in the fellowship of nations within the Empire.

During the world conflict of 1914-18 he was actuated by this belief. He encouraged and assisted the recruitment of Indian troops – thousands of whom served the Allied Cause on various fronts – and he willingly sacrificed his personal interests on behalf of the sick and wounded. He believed, as many others did, that through the tears and blood of those four terrible years a new spirit would be kindled to regenerate the British nation and Empire; and in that new spirit the just claims of India would surely receive generous recognition. Thus, as late as 1918, Gandhi defined “Swaraj” as partnership within the Empire making no secret of his confidence that the nationalist cause would be rapidly furthered by his country’s generous war services.

After the conclusion of hostilities Gandhi’s hopes were completely shattered by Britain’s repeated refusals to recognize what he regarded as her obligations. His disillusionment with the British rule in India was aggravated by what he and his countrymen regarded as irrefutable evidence that the attitude and spirit of the British “Raj” had changed but little. By the very force of circumstances Gandhi felt compelled to abandon all ideas of partnership and to adopt an attitude of hostility to British rule.

‘The report of the “Sedition Committee” in 1919, and the “Rowlatt Acts,” made clear the Indian Government’s intention to restrict the scope of active political agitation. Also the serious disturbances in the Punjab – culminating in the tragic affairs at Amritsar in April of the same year, when British troops under General Dyer fired upon a helpless and terrified mob, of whom more than 350 were killed and some 1,200 wounded – roused ill-feeling upon both sides.

Gandhi thereupon initiated the great “non-co-operation movement” throughout India, and instituted the vow of “Satyagraha” or passive resistance which pledged his followers to boycott the new constitution drafted by the Government, including the Provincial as well as the Central Legislature; and all the Government Services, even the schools, and – not least in importance – all goods of European origin. They swore to disobey the laws aimed at suppression of the widespread nationalist propaganda carried on by means of Congress resolutions at the same time “following the truth and refraining from violence.”

This stupendous crusade – to which Gandhi devoted himself with relentless energy – was intended to cripple and paralyse the whole British-Indian administration; and India’s salvation was to be arrived at by means of a complete severance from an alien civilization denounced by him as inherently immoral and evil. The campaign involved the renunciation of everything given or offered to India by the Western world, a return to the spinning wheel and the simple life of the East in its primitive peace and purity.

Gandhi had at this time the largest personal following of any leader in the whole world; he won the unequivocal admiration of men of every community in India, even political opponents gladly recognizing his fine personal character.

Gandhi sternly and repeatedly forbade the use of force or any weapon other than that of passive resistance, and his own passions were held in complete subjection even in situations of unusual provocation; but again and again his followers broke out into acts of violence.

In 1922 Gandhi the recognized leader of Indian nationalism, was arrested for sedition and sentenced to six years imprisonment. In February 1924, however, he was released on the ground of ill-health and he stood before the world a pathetically frail little man; yet one whose least word could sway millions even though it should be whispered from a hospital veranda. The great crusade had, of course, wrought irreparable harm upon British trade with India, but from all practical points of view it had to be written down as a failure.

All the world knows how Nationalist India – under Gandhi’s leadership – continued to agitate unceasingly for self-government, and how all the constitutional advances proposed by the Imperial Government were rejected as inadequate. The “Indian National Congress” and its “Working Committee” most of the time declined to co-operate with the British authorities, preferring to follow a policy of open defiance. It was on December 31, 1929, that Congress declared for nothing less than complete independence, and new ideas to this end were set in motion.

In March, 1930, Gandhi set out to begin a fresh “civil disobedience” movement by openly infringing the Salt Laws and advocating the non-payment of certain taxes in addition to the trade boycott. The manufacture and sale of salt being a Government monopoly, this movement was inspired by the twofold idea of flouting British authority and embarrassing the Government by the withholding of revenue. In spite of repeated warnings, and the arrest of his chief lieutenants, he and the Congress carried on undaunted. When at length riots and disorders broke out, and a critical situation arose in the turbulent North-West Provinces, Gandhi was again arrested and interned at Yeravda Gaol, Poona in May, 1931.

In January, 1932, a truce between Gandhi and the Viceroy was arrived at in view of the proposed Round Table Conference in London, which it was hoped would produce what the rejected “Simon Report” of the summer of 1930 had failed to provide, namely an acceptable basis of discussion for a new Indian constitution. After some hesitation, Gandhi-along with representatives of every section of Indian opinion – attended the Conference on behalf of Congress; in face of the Nationalist claim for complete “Swaraj” his presence was a welcome step towards conciliation.

On his return from the London Conference, Gandhi received a tumultuous welcome from his followers; but he immediately came into conflict with the authorities. The struggle carried on after the Government of India Act gave India provincial autonomy and a majority of the Provinces came under Congress rule is recent history. Mahatma Gandhi was not directly concerned with the political and administrative work and for a number of years he was not even a member of Congress. When war broke out in 1939, India’s attitude towards the conflict gradually crystallized. Pandit Nehru has described how Congress specifically demanded that India should not be committed to any war without the consent of the people or their representatives and that no Indian troops should be sent for service abroad without such consent.

About the middle of 1939 it became known that Indian troops had been despatched overseas. Immediately there was an outcry at this having been done without any reference to the representative of the people. Steps were also being taken through the British Parliament to amend the Government of India Act of 1935 under which the Provincial Governments were functioning with a view to concentrating all power in the Central Government.

While this tug-of-war was going on in India’s mind and a feeling of desperation was growing, Gandhi wrote a number of articles which suddenly gave a new direction to people’s thoughts and gave shape to their vague ideas. Inaction at that critical stage and submission to all that was happening had become intolerable to him. The only way to meet that situation he said was for Indian freedom to be recognized and for a free India to meet aggression and invasion in co-operation with Allied nations. If this recognition was not forthcoming, then some action must be taken to challenge the existing system and wake up the people from the lethargy that was paralyzing them and making them easy prey for every kind of aggression. Ina conflict between nationalism and internationalism Gandhi’s new writing created a stir all over India.

In August 1942 the All-India Congress Committee passed the famous Quit India resolution which resulted in the incarceration of all the Congress leaders including Mr. Gandhi. When he was in jail, his wife who had shared with him all the hardships of his political struggle died.

Mr. Gandhi’s part in the negotiations with the Cripps Mission in 1942 has been misrepresented. Behind the scenes he always worked for a settlement with England on honourable terms. He succeeded in most of his aims except the achievement of complete Hindu-Muslim unity which was his life’s aim. He has now made the supreme sacrifice for that cause.

(Excerpted from Selected Journalism by HAJ Hulugalle first published in January 1948)

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