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Editorial

Indiscipline and disaster

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President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, addressing a group of officers who passed out at the Sri Lanka Military Academy, Diyatalawa, over the weekend, waxed eloquent on discipline, which he called the highest virtue in the life of a military officer. He also said optimism, self-confidence and trust in his or her team were prerequisites for the success of a leader. While agreeing with him on this score, one may add that the success of any leader also hinges on his or her ability to enforce discipline at all levels of the organisation he or she helms.

What has been ailing Sri Lanka all these decades boils down to one thing—overall indiscipline, which has eaten into the vitals of the State, and not spared any institution, public or private. Inculcating discipline is therefore half the battle in ushering in national progress. It was for this purpose that the people elected President Rajapaksa, a former frontline combat officer known for his fetish for discipline and systems. Their expectations were very high, and they thought he would be different from his predecessors, especially his elder brother, Mahinda, who as the President, suffered many an undisciplined political dreg gladly. But it turned out to be another false dawn, and the people’s optimism has given way to despair; their resentment is palpable.

The rule of law and discipline are coterminous. The government does not seem to care to make good on its promise to restore the rule of law. When Lohan Ratwatte, as the State Minister for Prisons, barged into a state pen and held some former LTTE cadres at gunpoint, a few moons ago, the people expected him to face the full force of the law and be sacked from the government. The President should have intervened to have him arrested and hauled up before courts. But nothing of the sort happened.

Nobody uses the fish market as a metaphor for rowdyism any longer; they use Parliament instead. Fish-market brawls pale into insignificance in comparison to affrays in the once-august assembly. The misbehaving SLPP MPs go scot-free so much so that they are now threatening to harm their Opposition counterparts openly for being critical of the government! The President is the head of government, and indiscipline among the members of the ruling party is a sad reflection on him or her. As a stickler for discipline, the incumbent President ought to summon the SLPP troublemakers in the garb of MPs, who go on the rampage in Parliament at the drop of a hat, and tell them in no uncertain terms that they will be suspended unless they behave. We suggest that the President repeat his recent Diyatalawa speech for their consumption.

Responsible behaviour and discipline are joined at the hip. The country is facing the worst-ever economic crisis. But Finance Minister Basil Rajapaksa has gone overseas. Several other ministers are also said to be holidaying abroad. Governments usually prevent their MPs from leaving the country during crucial votes in Parliament. They must act similarly during national crises as well. The President should have ordered all his ministers to remain here and do their utmost to sort out the multiple crises the country is faced with. Most of all, the public must not be made to cough up dollars for politicians’ junkets when the country is without enough foreign exchange to pay for its essential imports such as fuel, food and medicine.

The Opposition would have the public believe that ‘Sir’ (meaning the President) has failed, given the many failings of the current government and unsolved problems besetting the country. It is only natural that the failure of all government politicians is blamed on the President, who is their leader. But we believe that it is too early to issue the President’s report card because the pass-fail for a President is held in several stages, and the test is not yet over. The fact, however, remains that they have to pull their socks up. People do not live by ‘vaccines’ alone.

Discipline has to be coupled with integrity if a nation is to achieve progress. That the members of the present dispensation lack integrity has become manifestly evident from the sheer number of scams we have witnessed during the past two years or so. All the crooks that ruined the country and brought about the downfall of the Mahinda Rajapaksa government have crawled out of the woodwork as can be seen from the mega sugar tax scandal and the questionable Yugadanavi power plant deal. Unless the President rein in the ruling party crooks who are having a field day, it will be well-nigh impossible for him to prove the Opposition wrong, where its claim of his failure is concerned.



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Editorial

Ensure safety of COPF Chairman

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Saturday 8th June, 2024

It was with shock and dismay that we received the news about death threats to COPF (Committee on Public Finance) Chairman Dr. Harsha de Silva over the ongoing parliamentary probe into the on-arrival visa scam. Dr. de Silva yesterday told Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, in Parliament, that he was facing death threats and intimidation, and it was incumbent upon Parliament to ensure his safety. He stopped short of naming names, but revealed that some ruling party MPs were among those who had ganged up against him. The Speaker only said there had been no complaint, and he would look into the matter.

The SLPP-UNP government has been doing everything in its power to have all parliamentary committees under its thumb. The COPE (Committee on Public Enterprises), which once helped restore public faith in the legislature by exposing state sector corruption, has now become a mere appendage of the incumbent regime, thanks to the appointment of SLPP MP Rohitha Abeygunawardena as its Chairman. The SLPP-UNP combine also tried to oust COPF Chairman Dr. de Silva, but in vain. However, it knows more than one way to shoe a horse.

The COPF, under Dr. de Silva’s chairmanship, has been a thorn in the side of the government, which is struggling to cover up numerous corrupt deals. Dr. de Silva yesterday told Parliament that he found it extremely difficult to function as the COPF head due to severe resource constraints his committee was facing; he himself had to pay the salaries of some of his staff members besides burning the midnight oil.

The sheer workload he had to cope with as the COPF chief had taken its toll on his health, he said, informing the Speaker that he was at the end of his tether, and at times thought of resigning from the COPF. This is exactly what the government wants him to do; resource squeezes and threats are aimed at making him quit.

On 26 May, Dr. de Silva revealed, in an ‘X’ post, that the COPF had uncovered some vital information about the visa scam and it would reveal everything after its final meeting on the issue; the COPF was committed to exposing the truth behind the controversial tender, he added. In an editorial comment on 27 May, we warned him.

While thanking him for his bold stand, we pointed out that by making such a statement, he had thrown caution to the wind, and become a marked target, with the government making an all-out effort to delay the COPF investigation lest the truth should come out much to the detriment of its interests in this election year. Unfortunately, what was feared has come about; Dr. de Silva is complaining of death threats and government moves to strangulate the COPF financially to derail its investigations.

Dr. de Silva’s predicament exemplifies the fate that befalls the few good men and women in Parliament. It is hoped that all those who seek an end to the state sector corruption will rally behind Dr. de Silva, and bring pressure to bear on the government to ensure his safety. Let Dr. de Silva be urged to reveal the names of those who have issued threats, veiled or otherwise, to him and are trying to scuttle the COPF probes.

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Editorial

Dead man walking!

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Friday 7th June, 2024

The SLPP-UNP government is going hell for leather to make bad laws as if there were no tomorrow. It is abusing its parliamentary majority, which has been retained with the help of some crossovers, for that purpose. The Opposition, the media and trade unions are up in arms, and understandably so. The incumbent regime is a dead man walking; it is so desperate that it is capable of anything. Hence the need for it to be restrained.

The Electricity (Amendment) Bill (EAB) plunged Parliament into turmoil yesterday, but the government secured its passage. The Supreme Court (SC) determined the entire EAB inconsistent with the Constitution and recommended changes thereto. After unveiling the Bill, sometime ago, Minister of Power and Energy Kanchana Wijesekera hailed it as an excellent piece of legislation aimed at straightening up the power sector to serve the public interest better.

The SC determination left him with egg on his face. He reminded us of the proverbial curate who, while eating a stale egg, assured his host, a Bishop, that parts of it were excellent. Wijesekera’s egg, as it were, made Parliament stink yesterday, but he sought to please his masters by praising it as a silver bullet.

EAB should have been discarded and a new one drafted in consultation with all stakeholders. But the government is apparently driven by an ulterior motive; its aim is not to serve Sri Lanka’s interests but to look after those of some moneybags.

It is not uncommon for Bills to contain some flaws, which are rectified either before or during the committee stage. But there is something terribly wrong with draft Bills that are full of sections inconsistent with the Constitution. The drafters of EAB have demonstrated their sheer ignorance of the supreme law, and that they are not equal to the task of drafting Bills. If they had read the Constitution at least perfunctorily, they would not have drafted such a bad law.

Ignorant and incompetent, they do not deserve to be paid with public funds and must be sent back to law school. They must be summoned before Parliament and questioned on their serious lapses, which have caused public faith in the national legislature to diminish.

Curiously, the MPs who demand that judges, doctors, Central Bankers, and other public officials be summoned before Parliament have taken badly drafted Bills for granted. The power sector trade unions yesterday alleged that EAB was of Indian origin and geared towards furthering the interests of Adani Group at the expense of Sri Lanka.

Most critics of EAB are agreeable in principle to the need for power sector reforms; the Ceylon Electricity Board should be given a radical shake-up, and transformed into a modern organisation capable of providing a better service at a lower cost. They only asked the government to tread cautiously, consulting all stakeholders and taking action to ensure that the country’s interests prevailed over everything else. But the government was in a mighty hurry to steamroller the Bill through Parliament, making the Opposition ask whether it was doing so at the behest of some external forces involved in controversial power generation deals here.

What is passed by the current Parliament can be either amended or abolished by a future parliament in a constitutionally prescribed manner. But that does not mean that a government is free to pass bad laws, making the country enter into long-term agreements with powerful nations and their investors. It looks as if the SLPP-UNP regime did not care two hoots about the consequences of its actions.

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Editorial

Modi Magic on the wane

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Thursday 6th June, 2024

The outcome of India’s parliamentary election (2024) has led to a ‘perspective ambiguity’. Prime Minister Narendra Modi lost no time in declaring victory for the BJP-led NDA alliance, which secured 293 seats in the 543-member Parliament, but he must be a worried man. The BJP is short of 32 seats to form a government under its own steam; it has lost 63 seats or about 20% of its parliamentary strength. It had 303 seats in the previous Parliament, and that number has dropped to 240.

Modi has become the second Indian Prime Minister to win a third term. The first PM to do so was Jawaharlal Nehru. But Nehru won an outright majority in Parliament in 1962; Modi has had to depend on smaller parties in his alliance to retain his hold on power. Modi must be reeling from a sharp drop in his victory margin in his own constituency, Varanasi; it has decreased to 152,000 from 480,000 in 2019 whereas Modi’s bete noire, Rahul Gandhi, won Raebareli by a staggering 390,000 votes.

Modi, who reigned supreme with 303 seats in the previous Parliament, is now dependent on parties such as Nitish Kumar’s JD-U and Chandrababu Naidu’s TDP to form a government. He has had to lead an alliance of strange bedfellows. Both Kumar and Naidu were bitter critics of Modi. Kumar helped form the oppositional alliance, the INDIA bloc, before switching his allegiance to PM Modi. Naidu also closed ranks with the BJP in the run-up to the election. These politicians have been described as extremely ambitious and highly unpredictable, and whether Modi will be able to manage them and consolidate his grip on the NDA alliance remains to be seen. They will demand plum ministerial posts in return for their support. The TDP is said to be eyeing Transport and Health portfolios! That is the name of the game in coalition politics, where it is not uncommon for the tail to wag the dog, so to speak. These two political leaders are however not the only problem Modi will have to contend with. The next five years will feel like an eternity for PM Modi.

Nothing would have been more shocking for the BJP than its defeat in Uttar Pradesh’s Faizabad constituency, where the Ram Mandir has been built. Modi may have thought he would be able to win the Lok Sabha election hands down after the consecration of that temple, which became a centrepiece of the BJP’s election campaign. The BJP lost that seat to the Samajwadi Party! Modi must be disappointed that the Ram Mandir hype failed to trigger a massive wave of support for his party. This particular defeat signifies a massive setback for the BJP’s ethno-religious agenda.

Modi’s divisive election campaign failed to yield the desired result. The BJP’s failure to secure an outright majority could be attributed to a host of factors, some of them being the suppression of the Opposition, the arrogance of power, chronic unemployment, and the rising cost of living. The BJP also did not care to reimage itself in a positive light to attract the youth.

Modi will hereafter see the Congress-led INDIA bloc with 223 seats, in his rearview mirror. The Congress (99 seats) and its allies have eaten into the BJP support base considerably, but they have a long way to go before being able to capture power.

The bumpy ride ahead for the BJP-led coalition government to be formed may improve the INDIA bloc’s chances of bettering their electoral performance and turning the tables on the BJP and its allies in time to come. Modi will have a lot to worry about in his third term.

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