India’s ‘Left Corridor’ and South-east Asia’s growth success

It is no secret that India’s ‘Look East’ policy is inspired, among other things, by its concern to contain poverty and connected problems in its North-Eastern states, such as, Assam, West Bengal, Nagaland, Manipur and Tripura; many of which border Myanmar and are witness to a number of insurgencies based on socio-economic grievances. Besides, they are seen as being aided by China. Thus far, the Myanmarese Generals have been cooperating with the Indian centre in curbing these insurgencies on account of the insurgents concerned having bases inside Myanmar.

The ‘Naxalites’ of India continue to be alive and well and this reality was somewhat shatteringly driven home to the world when militants of the ‘People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army’ (PLGA)killed 22 state security personnel in what was reported to be a fierce gun battle recently in the state of Chhattisgarh. The bloody incident also means that the country is still a considerable distance from completely containing poverty and its attendant ills.

Although the attack may have come as an unpleasant surprise to sections of the world in consideration of the glowing terms in which India’s contemporary economic successes are described in some international quarters, it would not have impacted the Indian authorities in similar fashion. This is because it is quite some time since the Indian centre came to recognize the ‘Naxalite movement’ as a principal threat to the country’s internal security. That is, there is continuing recognition of the grave security implications of lingering poverty. Such poverty, moreover, remains widespread in India.

Before any further comment on these issues, some clarifications are called for with regard to the characterization of India’s militant organizations, espousing socio-economic grievances of the poor, as ‘Naxalites’. As ought to be known, the Naxalites had their origins in and were based in the village of Naxalbari in the state of West Bengal. They had their day mainly in the sixties and seventies. Their leader was Kanu Sanyal, an uncompromising communist with some allegiance to China.

Sanyal’s highly eventful life story is told in a biography penned by West Bengali journalist Bappaditya Paul and was published by SAGE Publications India, Pvt. Ltd.(www.sagepub.in)some time back. The book, ‘The First Naxal, An Authorised Biography of Kanu Sanyal’, was reviewed by this columnist on this page at the time. The militant Left movement in India is dealt with in great detail in this book and we come to realize that the term ‘Naxalite’ is a very loose label that is used by even knowledgeable circles in India very broadly to cover almost the entirety of militant Left groupings in the country, which are multifarious in terms ideological persuasion and political allegiance. The only factor that they seem to have in common is their espousal of the grievances of India’s poor and marginalized sections. However, Sanyal’s chief focus was the landless poor in West Bengal and it could be said that he worked self-sacrificially to advance the cause of this section of society.

Given this backdrop, it is not clear at the moment as to specifically which militant Left organization carried out the recent attack on the security forces in Chhatisgarh, since it too is named inconsistently by some authoritative sections, but it is plain that it is also challenging the authority of the state. Moreover, its assault has all the hallmarks of an attack by the militant Left. The fact that one we cannot be short on geographical specifics and ideological orientation when referring to India’s militant Left organizations is borne by the realty that these ‘Naxalites’ are operative in a number of states.

Those groups of a Maoist orientation, for example, are present in Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, Bihar, Jharkhand, Odisha, Chhatisgarh, West Bengal and Maharashtra, we are informed by Bappaditya Paul. These areas are collectively referred to as the ‘Red Corridor’. It could be assumed that the ‘poverty bomb’ is ticking steadily in these regions.

It is no secret that India’s ‘Look East’ policy is inspired, among other things, by its concern to contain poverty and connected problems in its North-Eastern states, such as, Assam, West Bengal, Nagaland, Manipur and Tripura; many of which border Myanmar and are witness to a number of insurgencies based on socio-economic grievances. Besides, they are seen as being aided by China. Thus far, the Myanmarese Generals have been cooperating with the Indian centre in curbing these insurgencies on account of the insurgents concerned having bases inside Myanmar.

The need for such cooperation is seen as having accounted for India’s reluctance, until recently, to condemn the Myanmarese junta for its brutal crackdown on the country’s civilians, currently protesting the military’s seizure of power in the country two months ago. However, in a recent statement India has expressed its ‘steadfast commitment’ to a ‘democratic transition’ in Myanmar and, among other things, welcomed efforts by ASEAN to help resolve the crisis in Myanmar.

The above reference to ASEAN is of crucial importance. It is quite some time since India recognized the importance of Myanmar as a veritable gateway to the growth-prolific ASEAN region. India’s efforts at developing its North-East are driven, among other things, by a vision of connecting the economies of the North-East with that of Myanmar. The thinking, essentially, is that a North-East that is strongly connected with Myanmar would enable the former to eventually link itself to the ASEAN region, where the future of the global economy lies. Accordingly, ASEAN intervention in Myanmar would be welcomed by India, both on account of its non-controversial character in comparison to China in this context and also by virtue of its ability to counter-balance China’s economic and military strength.

What ought to be of considerable importance to the observer is the fact that India is in an effort at trying out multiple non-military means at defusing its ‘poverty bomb’. It sees the vast growth potential in its resource-rich North-East and would opt for a link-up among neighbouring economies to help facilitate development in the trouble-hit region, which also shares many commonalities with the ‘Left Corridor’. The Bangladesh, China, India, Myanmar Forum for Regional Cooperation (BCIM)too exemplifies this Indian vision of closely interconnecting regional economies for shared growth, although this is not the only such regional, growth-driven mechanism.

Despite lingering differences, India and China see an increasing link-up between them on the economic plane as serving their common well being. Propelled by this vision, India and China are currently in an effort to integrate their North-East and South-West regions respectively. There is a huge potential for trade and other forms of economic interaction between these neighbouring regions and the countries are certain to perceive that strained ties between them would not serve their best interests in the long term.