Features
Full implementation of 13A: Final solution to ‘national problem’ or end of unitary state? – Part V
By Kalyananda Tiranagama
Executive Director, Lawyers for Human Rights and Development
(Part IV of this article appeared in The Island of 29 Sept., 2023)
Present Provincial Council System and 13th Amendment – Solutions forcibly imposed on Sri Lanka by India
The Indo-Lanka Accord signed on July 29, 1987 is not an accord voluntarily entered into between two independent States of their own free will, after mutual discussion and understanding. The 13th Amendment to the Constitution and the Provincial Councils Act of 1987 are also not documents drafted and enacted by the government of Sri Lanka of its own free will to give effect to the understanding and agreements reached between the Govt. of Sri Lanka and the Tamil political parties and militant groups following discussions that went on for years.
When talking of Indian pressure brought on Sri Lanka to sign the Indo-Lanka Accord and bring the 13th Amendment to the Constitution and set up Provincial Councils, the general impression is that it refers to the Indian threat of invading our air space and dropping dhal by air on the North East of Sri Lanka.
However, when one goes through the negotiation process between the high officials of the Indian government and Sri Lanka, as mentioned in the President Jayewardene’s address to Parliament, and the documents cited in the Judgement of the 13th Amendment case, it appears that the Indian government brought pressure and compelled the government of Sri Lanka to move away from the consistent stand taken by Sri Lanka all along and to accommodate certain unacceptable demands of Tamil political parties by incorporating them into some of the provisions in these documents.
As stated by President J. R. Jayewardene in his address to Parliament on February 20, 1986:
‘‘At the Thimphu discussions, on August 27, 1985, when Dr. H. W. Jayewardene, the leader of the SL delegation refused to accept or discuss the ‘Four Cardinal Principles’ raised by the six Tamil groups, and indicated areas on which discussion and agreement possible, the TULF together with the other groups walked out of the conference and refused to participate in the discussion.
The Four Cardinal Principles were as follows:
a. Recognition of the Tamils as a distinct nationality; b. a separate home land; c. self-determination for the Tamils; and d. the linkage of the Northern and Eastern Provinces,
‘‘Thereafter, Dr. Jayewardene left for New Delhi to meet the Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and discussion resumed with Indian officials and drafted the Terms of Accord and Understandings, initiated by Dr. Jayewardene and the Deputy Secretary, Ministry of External Affairs of India, Ranjan Mathai. Then Dr. Jayewardene met the Indian PM and informed him of the decision reached. On 31. 08. 1985, the Ministry of External Affairs of India issued a press release on their meeting. Dr. Jayewardene had a detailed and constructive discussion with the Foreign Secretary Mr. Romesh Bhandari. A comprehensive paper was drawn up covering all issues of importance and relevance. This detailed draft could serve as the basis for negotiations towards a mutually agreed Accord by the parties concerned.
‘‘On the return of the delegation to Sri Lanka, it was found necessary to amplify some of the matters in the Draft Accord. Three members of the Sri Lankan delegation had discussions with senior officials of the Ministry of External Affairs of India in New Delhi from 10 to 13 Sept. At the conclusion of these talks, the Ministry of External Affairs of India issued a press release: ‘The SL delegation gave some amplification of certain issues which figured in the paper drawn up earlier in New Delhi. They also provided some facts and figures about how some of the proposals contained in the Paper would work in practice. It will be recalled that the Paper drawn up during Dr. Jayewardene’s visit is to serve as a basis for further negotiations towards a mutually agreed Accord by the parties concerned.’
‘‘The SL delegation returned to Sri Lanka with the full expectation that future discussions with a view to arriving at a solution would be on the basis of the Terms of Accord and Understanding.
‘‘The Accord reached in Thimphu and New Delhi were to be the basis of any future discussions. Such discussion would not reopen the Four Principles mentioned in any form whatsoever. This was the understanding of both the Govts of India and SL.
‘‘The Terms of Accord and Understanding were to be forwarded to the representatives of Tamil groups by the Indian Govt. But all the efforts of the SL delegation and the representatives of the Indian Govt. proved of no avail as these groups did not make any response to reach a settlement.
‘‘More than three months later, on 1st December 1985 the TULF submitted some proposals to Rajiv Gandhi. But they were by no means an attempt to discuss the draft Terms of Accord and Understanding. TULF proposals were diametrically contrary to the draft Terms of Accord and Understanding. Govt. observations on TULF proposals was dispatched to New Delhi on January 30, 1986.’’
H. W. Jayewardene
President Jayewardene’s Address to Parliament, made on February 20, 1986, mentioned only what had happened up to the end of January 1986. Justice Wanasundara’s Judgement in the 13th Amendment to the Constitution Case (1987/2 SLLR Pp. 333 – 383) mentions several things that happened after that date in this process.
The following passages are taken from the said judgement:
‘‘As early as September 1985 the mechanism of Provincial Councils had been proposed. In the Draft Framework of Terms of Accord and Understanding of 30.08.85, it was stated that –
‘ 5. A Bill for the amendment of the Constitution to enable the creation of Provincial Councils and the devolution of powers on them shall be enacted by Parliament by a 2/3 majority. Thereafter Parliament will pass an Act directly conferring on the Provincial Councils the requisite legislative powers. Such power shall not be revoked or altered in any manner except by an Act of Parliament passed by a two-thirds majority after consultation with the Provincial Council or the Councils concerned.’
‘‘The next development was further talks held between the Sri Lankan Government and an Indian delegation, led by Hon. P Chidambaram, Minister of State, in July 1986. Based on those talks a detailed Note containing observations on the proposals of the Sri Lanka Government as the Framework was sent to the Indian Government. The following three paragraphs of the Note are relevant for the purpose of this determination:
1. A Provincial Council shall be established in each Province. Law-making and Executive (including Financial) powers shall be devolved upon the Provincial Councils by suitable constitutional amendments, without resort to a referendum. After further discussions subjects broadly corresponding to the proposals contained in Annexe 1 to the Draft Framework of Accord and Undertaking of 30.08.85, and the entries in List ll and List III of the Seventh Schedule of the Indian Constitution shall be devolved upon Provincial Councils.
2. In the Northern Province and in the Eastern Province the Provincial Councils shall be deemed to be constituted immediately after the constitutional amendments come into force….
7. Any amendments to the constitutional provisions or any other laws providing for devolution of legislative and executive (including financial) powers shall require a 2/3 majority as provided in the present Constitution. Any further safeguards for example a further requirement of a referendum may also be discussed.”
‘‘In a preamble to this Note it was agreed that suitable constitutional and legal arrangements would be made for those two Provinces to act in coordination. In consequence of these talks a constitutional amendment took shape and form and three lists – (1) The Reserved List (List II); (2) The Provincial List (List I); and (3) The Concurrent List (List Ill) too were formulated.
‘‘The next stage of the discussions were the Bangalore discussions between our President Jayewardene and Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in November 1986. The Agreement between them recognised that the “Northern and Eastern Provinces have been areas of historical habitation of Sri Lankan Tamil speaking peoples who have at all times hitherto lived together in the territory with other ethnic groups.’’ According to these discussions Sri Lanka agreed that these two Provinces should form one administrative unit for an interim period and that its continuance should depend on a Referendum and it was also agreed that the Governor shall have the same powers as the Governor of a State in India.
It was also proposed to the Sri Lanka government that the Governor should only act on the advice of the Board of Ministers and should explore the possibility of further curtailing the Governor’s discretionary powers. The Indian side also proposed that provision be made on the lines of Article 249 of the Indian Constitution on the question of Parliament’s power to legislate on matters in the Provincial list and, likewise, that Article 254 of the Indian Constitution be adopted in regard to the Provincial Council’s power to make a law before or after a parliamentary law in respect of a matter in the Concurrent List. The Sri Lanka Government’s observations on the Working Paper on Bangalore Discussion dated 26th November 1986 show that the suggestions made by the Indian Government were substantially adopted.
‘’ On the 29th July, 1987, an Accord was signed by our President J. R. Jayewardene and the Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in Colombo. The First part of this Accord reaffirmed what was agreed at Bangalore that the Northern and Eastern Provinces have been areas of historical habitation of Sri Lanka Tamil Speaking people who at all times hitherto lived together in the territory with other ethnic groups. It also provided for these two Provinces to form one administrative unit for an interim period and for elections to the Provincial Council to be held before 31st December 1987.
The Second Part was the Annexure to the Agreement. It provided, inter alia, for a Indian Peace Keeping Contingent and for Indian observers at the Provincial Council Elections and a Referendum to be held in the Eastern Province to determine whether the Northern and Eastern Provinces should continue as one administrative unit. The legislation now tabled in Parliament is in terms of this Accord. Of course, an attempt is now being made to take shelter under Article 27 (4).’’ (13th Amendment case Judgement – Pp. 369 – P. 371)
When the material placed above relating to the negotiations between Sri Lanka and India for bringing about a solution to the Tamil ethnic problem in Sri Lanka is analysed, it becomes clear that India took the Sri Lankan government for a ride, compelling the latter to abandon its principled stand of rejecting the Cardinal Principles raised by the terrorists and the TULF at the Thimphu Talks, to accept a solution imposed by New Delhi and to accede to some of these unacceptable demands of Tamil political parties by incorporating them into the Indo-Lanka Accord and the 13th Amendment.
On 31. 08. 1985, the Ministry of External Affairs of India issued a Press Release on their meeting. Dr. Jayewardene had a detailed and constructive discussion with the Foreign Secretary Romesh Bhandari. A comprehensive paper has been drawn up covering all issues of importance and relevance. This detailed draft could serve as the basis for negotiations towards a mutually agreed Accord by the parties concerned.
The Paper drawn up during Dr. Jayewardene’s visit is to serve as a basis for further negotiations towards a mutually agreed Accord by the parties concerned.’’
The Sri Lankan delegation returned to Sri Lanka with the full expectation that future discussions with a view to arriving at a solution would be on the basis of the Terms of Accord and Understanding.
The Accord reached in Thimphu and New Delhi were to be the basis of any future discussions. Such discussion would not reopen the Four Principles mentioned in any form whatsoever. This was the understanding of both the Govts of India and SL.
Then what happened?
Three months later, on 01 December 1985, the TULF submitted some proposals, not to the government of Sri Lanka, but to Rajiv Gandhi. The TULF proposals were diametrically opposed to the draft terms of accord and understanding. The Sri Lankan government’s observations on the TULF proposals were dispatched to New Delhi on 30 Jan., 1986.
(To be continued)
by Dr Gotabhya Ranasinghe
Senior Consultant Cardiologist
National Hospital Sri Lanka
When we sought a meeting with Hon Dr. Ramesh Pathirana, Minister of Health, he graciously cleared his busy schedule to accommodate us. Renowned for his attentive listening and deep understanding, Minister Pathirana is dedicated to advancing the health sector. His openness and transparency exemplify the qualities of an exemplary politician and minister.
Dr. Palitha Mahipala, the current Health Secretary, demonstrates both commendable enthusiasm and unwavering support. This combination of attributes makes him a highly compatible colleague for the esteemed Minister of Health.
Our discussion centered on a project that has been in the works for the past 30 years, one that no other minister had managed to advance.
Minister Pathirana, however, recognized the project’s significance and its potential to revolutionize care for heart patients.
The project involves the construction of a state-of-the-art facility at the premises of the National Hospital Colombo. The project’s location within the premises of the National Hospital underscores its importance and relevance to the healthcare infrastructure of the nation.
This facility will include a cardiology building and a tertiary care center, equipped with the latest technology to handle and treat all types of heart-related conditions and surgeries.
Securing funding was a major milestone for this initiative. Minister Pathirana successfully obtained approval for a $40 billion loan from the Asian Development Bank. With the funding in place, the foundation stone is scheduled to be laid in September this year, and construction will begin in January 2025.
This project guarantees a consistent and uninterrupted supply of stents and related medications for heart patients. As a result, patients will have timely access to essential medical supplies during their treatment and recovery. By securing these critical resources, the project aims to enhance patient outcomes, minimize treatment delays, and maintain the highest standards of cardiac care.
Upon its fruition, this monumental building will serve as a beacon of hope and healing, symbolizing the unwavering dedication to improving patient outcomes and fostering a healthier society.We anticipate a future marked by significant progress and positive outcomes in Sri Lanka’s cardiovascular treatment landscape within the foreseeable timeframe.
by Fr. Emmanuel Fernando, OMI
Jesuit Fr. Aloysius Pieris (affectionately called Fr. Aloy) celebrated his 90th birthday on April 9, 2024 and I, as the editor of our Oblate Journal, THE MISSIONARY OBLATE had gone to press by that time. Immediately I decided to publish an article, appreciating the untiring selfless services he continues to offer for inter-Faith dialogue, the renewal of the Catholic Church, his concern for the poor and the suffering Sri Lankan masses and to me, the present writer.
It was in 1988, when I was appointed Director of the Oblate Scholastics at Ampitiya by the then Oblate Provincial Fr. Anselm Silva, that I came to know Fr. Aloy more closely. Knowing well his expertise in matters spiritual, theological, Indological and pastoral, and with the collaborative spirit of my companion-formators, our Oblate Scholastics were sent to Tulana, the Research and Encounter Centre, Kelaniya, of which he is the Founder-Director, for ‘exposure-programmes’ on matters spiritual, biblical, theological and pastoral. Some of these dimensions according to my view and that of my companion-formators, were not available at the National Seminary, Ampitiya.
Ever since that time, our Oblate formators/ accompaniers at the Oblate Scholasticate, Ampitiya , have continued to send our Oblate Scholastics to Tulana Centre for deepening their insights and convictions regarding matters needed to serve the people in today’s context. Fr. Aloy also had tried very enthusiastically with the Oblate team headed by Frs. Oswald Firth and Clement Waidyasekara to begin a Theologate, directed by the Religious Congregations in Sri Lanka, for the contextual formation/ accompaniment of their members. It should very well be a desired goal of the Leaders / Provincials of the Religious Congregations.
Besides being a formator/accompanier at the Oblate Scholasticate, I was entrusted also with the task of editing and publishing our Oblate journal, ‘The Missionary Oblate’. To maintain the quality of the journal I continue to depend on Fr. Aloy for his thought-provoking and stimulating articles on Biblical Spirituality, Biblical Theology and Ecclesiology. I am very grateful to him for his generous assistance. Of late, his writings on renewal of the Church, initiated by Pope St. John XX111 and continued by Pope Francis through the Synodal path, published in our Oblate journal, enable our readers to focus their attention also on the needed renewal in the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka. Fr. Aloy appreciated very much the Synodal path adopted by the Jesuit Pope Francis for the renewal of the Church, rooted very much on prayerful discernment. In my Religious and presbyteral life, Fr.Aloy continues to be my spiritual animator / guide and ongoing formator / acccompanier.
Fr. Aloysius Pieris, BA Hons (Lond), LPh (SHC, India), STL (PFT, Naples), PhD (SLU/VC), ThD (Tilburg), D.Ltt (KU), has been one of the eminent Asian theologians well recognized internationally and one who has lectured and held visiting chairs in many universities both in the West and in the East. Many members of Religious Congregations from Asian countries have benefited from his lectures and guidance in the East Asian Pastoral Institute (EAPI) in Manila, Philippines. He had been a Theologian consulted by the Federation of Asian Bishops’ Conferences for many years. During his professorship at the Gregorian University in Rome, he was called to be a member of a special group of advisers on other religions consulted by Pope Paul VI.
Fr. Aloy is the author of more than 30 books and well over 500 Research Papers. Some of his books and articles have been translated and published in several countries. Among those books, one can find the following: 1) The Genesis of an Asian Theology of Liberation (An Autobiographical Excursus on the Art of Theologising in Asia, 2) An Asian Theology of Liberation, 3) Providential Timeliness of Vatican 11 (a long-overdue halt to a scandalous millennium, 4) Give Vatican 11 a chance, 5) Leadership in the Church, 6) Relishing our faith in working for justice (Themes for study and discussion), 7) A Message meant mainly, not exclusively for Jesuits (Background information necessary for helping Francis renew the Church), 8) Lent in Lanka (Reflections and Resolutions, 9) Love meets wisdom (A Christian Experience of Buddhism, 10) Fire and Water 11) God’s Reign for God’s poor, 12) Our Unhiddden Agenda (How we Jesuits work, pray and form our men). He is also the Editor of two journals, Vagdevi, Journal of Religious Reflection and Dialogue, New Series.
Fr. Aloy has a BA in Pali and Sanskrit from the University of London and a Ph.D in Buddhist Philosophy from the University of Sri Lankan, Vidyodaya Campus. On Nov. 23, 2019, he was awarded the prestigious honorary Doctorate of Literature (D.Litt) by the Chancellor of the University of Kelaniya, the Most Venerable Welamitiyawe Dharmakirthi Sri Kusala Dhamma Thera.
Fr. Aloy continues to be a promoter of Gospel values and virtues. Justice as a constitutive dimension of love and social concern for the downtrodden masses are very much noted in his life and work. He had very much appreciated the commitment of the late Fr. Joseph (Joe) Fernando, the National Director of the Social and Economic Centre (SEDEC) for the poor.
In Sri Lanka, a few religious Congregations – the Good Shepherd Sisters, the Christian Brothers, the Marist Brothers and the Oblates – have invited him to animate their members especially during their Provincial Congresses, Chapters and International Conferences. The mainline Christian Churches also have sought his advice and followed his seminars. I, for one, regret very much, that the Sri Lankan authorities of the Catholic Church –today’s Hierarchy—- have not sought Fr.
Aloy’s expertise for the renewal of the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka and thus have not benefited from the immense store of wisdom and insight that he can offer to our local Church while the Sri Lankan bishops who governed the Catholic church in the immediate aftermath of the Second Vatican Council (Edmund Fernando OMI, Anthony de Saram, Leo Nanayakkara OSB, Frank Marcus Fernando, Paul Perera,) visited him and consulted him on many matters. Among the Tamil Bishops, Bishop Rayappu Joseph was keeping close contact with him and Bishop J. Deogupillai hosted him and his team visiting him after the horrible Black July massacre of Tamils.
Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement
By Gomi Senadhira
senadhiragomi@gmail.com
“You might tell fairy tales, but the progress of a country cannot be achieved through such narratives. A country cannot be developed by making false promises. The country moved backward because of the electoral promises made by political parties throughout time. We have witnessed that the ultimate result of this is the country becoming bankrupt. Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet.” – President Ranil Wickremesinghe, 2024 Budget speech
Any Sri Lankan would agree with the above words of President Wickremesinghe on the false promises our politicians and officials make and the fairy tales they narrate which bankrupted this country. So, to understand this, let’s look at one such fairy tale with lots of false promises; Ranil Wickremesinghe’s greatest achievement in the area of international trade and investment promotion during the Yahapalana period, Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement (SLSFTA).
It is appropriate and timely to do it now as Finance Minister Wickremesinghe has just presented to parliament a bill on the National Policy on Economic Transformation which includes the establishment of an Office for International Trade and the Sri Lanka Institute of Economics and International Trade.
Was SLSFTA a “Cleverly negotiated Free Trade Agreement” as stated by the (former) Minister of Development Strategies and International Trade Malik Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate on the SLSFTA in July 2018, or a colossal blunder covered up with lies, false promises, and fairy tales? After SLSFTA was signed there were a number of fairy tales published on this agreement by the Ministry of Development Strategies and International, Institute of Policy Studies, and others.
However, for this article, I would like to limit my comments to the speech by Minister Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate, and the two most important areas in the agreement which were covered up with lies, fairy tales, and false promises, namely: revenue loss for Sri Lanka and Investment from Singapore. On the other important area, “Waste products dumping” I do not want to comment here as I have written extensively on the issue.
1. The revenue loss
During the Parliamentary Debate in July 2018, Minister Samarawickrama stated “…. let me reiterate that this FTA with Singapore has been very cleverly negotiated by us…. The liberalisation programme under this FTA has been carefully designed to have the least impact on domestic industry and revenue collection. We have included all revenue sensitive items in the negative list of items which will not be subject to removal of tariff. Therefore, 97.8% revenue from Customs duty is protected. Our tariff liberalisation will take place over a period of 12-15 years! In fact, the revenue earned through tariffs on goods imported from Singapore last year was Rs. 35 billion.
The revenue loss for over the next 15 years due to the FTA is only Rs. 733 million– which when annualised, on average, is just Rs. 51 million. That is just 0.14% per year! So anyone who claims the Singapore FTA causes revenue loss to the Government cannot do basic arithmetic! Mr. Speaker, in conclusion, I call on my fellow members of this House – don’t mislead the public with baseless criticism that is not grounded in facts. Don’t look at petty politics and use these issues for your own political survival.”
I was surprised to read the minister’s speech because an article published in January 2018 in “The Straits Times“, based on information released by the Singaporean Negotiators stated, “…. With the FTA, tariff savings for Singapore exports are estimated to hit $10 million annually“.
As the annual tariff savings (that is the revenue loss for Sri Lanka) calculated by the Singaporean Negotiators, Singaporean $ 10 million (Sri Lankan rupees 1,200 million in 2018) was way above the rupees’ 733 million revenue loss for 15 years estimated by the Sri Lankan negotiators, it was clear to any observer that one of the parties to the agreement had not done the basic arithmetic!
Six years later, according to a report published by “The Morning” newspaper, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) on 7th May 2024, Mr Samarawickrama’s chief trade negotiator K.J. Weerasinghehad had admitted “…. that forecasted revenue loss for the Government of Sri Lanka through the Singapore FTA is Rs. 450 million in 2023 and Rs. 1.3 billion in 2024.”
If these numbers are correct, as tariff liberalisation under the SLSFTA has just started, we will pass Rs 2 billion very soon. Then, the question is how Sri Lanka’s trade negotiators made such a colossal blunder. Didn’t they do their basic arithmetic? If they didn’t know how to do basic arithmetic they should have at least done their basic readings. For example, the headline of the article published in The Straits Times in January 2018 was “Singapore, Sri Lanka sign FTA, annual savings of $10m expected”.
Anyway, as Sri Lanka’s chief negotiator reiterated at the COPF meeting that “…. since 99% of the tariffs in Singapore have zero rates of duty, Sri Lanka has agreed on 80% tariff liberalisation over a period of 15 years while expecting Singapore investments to address the imbalance in trade,” let’s turn towards investment.
Investment from Singapore
In July 2018, speaking during the Parliamentary Debate on the FTA this is what Minister Malik Samarawickrama stated on investment from Singapore, “Already, thanks to this FTA, in just the past two-and-a-half months since the agreement came into effect we have received a proposal from Singapore for investment amounting to $ 14.8 billion in an oil refinery for export of petroleum products. In addition, we have proposals for a steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million), sugar refinery ($ 200 million). This adds up to more than $ 16.05 billion in the pipeline on these projects alone.
And all of these projects will create thousands of more jobs for our people. In principle approval has already been granted by the BOI and the investors are awaiting the release of land the environmental approvals to commence the project.
I request the Opposition and those with vested interests to change their narrow-minded thinking and join us to develop our country. We must always look at what is best for the whole community, not just the few who may oppose. We owe it to our people to courageously take decisions that will change their lives for the better.”
According to the media report I quoted earlier, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) Chief Negotiator Weerasinghe has admitted that Sri Lanka was not happy with overall Singapore investments that have come in the past few years in return for the trade liberalisation under the Singapore-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement. He has added that between 2021 and 2023 the total investment from Singapore had been around $162 million!
What happened to those projects worth $16 billion negotiated, thanks to the SLSFTA, in just the two-and-a-half months after the agreement came into effect and approved by the BOI? I do not know about the steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million) and sugar refinery ($ 200 million).
However, story of the multibillion-dollar investment in the Petroleum Refinery unfolded in a manner that would qualify it as the best fairy tale with false promises presented by our politicians and the officials, prior to 2019 elections.
Though many Sri Lankans got to know, through the media which repeatedly highlighted a plethora of issues surrounding the project and the questionable credentials of the Singaporean investor, the construction work on the Mirrijiwela Oil Refinery along with the cement factory began on the24th of March 2019 with a bang and Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and his ministers along with the foreign and local dignitaries laid the foundation stones.
That was few months before the 2019 Presidential elections. Inaugurating the construction work Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe said the projects will create thousands of job opportunities in the area and surrounding districts.
The oil refinery, which was to be built over 200 acres of land, with the capacity to refine 200,000 barrels of crude oil per day, was to generate US$7 billion of exports and create 1,500 direct and 3,000 indirect jobs. The construction of the refinery was to be completed in 44 months. Four years later, in August 2023 the Cabinet of Ministers approved the proposal presented by President Ranil Wickremesinghe to cancel the agreement with the investors of the refinery as the project has not been implemented! Can they explain to the country how much money was wasted to produce that fairy tale?
It is obvious that the President, ministers, and officials had made huge blunders and had deliberately misled the public and the parliament on the revenue loss and potential investment from SLSFTA with fairy tales and false promises.
As the president himself said, a country cannot be developed by making false promises or with fairy tales and these false promises and fairy tales had bankrupted the country. “Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet”.
(The writer, a specialist and an activist on trade and development issues . )
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