Features
Full implementation of 13A– Final solution to ‘national problem’ or end of unitary state? – Part IX
by Kalyananda Tiranagama
Executive Director
Lawyers for Human Rights and Development
(Part VIII of this article appeared yesterday (09)
After Mahinda Rajapaksa became President in 2005, I sent him a letter, as the Executive Director of the Lawyers for Human Rights, narrating this experience and explaining this plight of educated jobless youth in the North and requesting him to appoint them as teachers to all the Sinhala schools in the country to teach Tamil to children, at the same time appointing Sinhala youth to all the Tamil schools to teach Sinhala to Tamil children. This would certainly have resulted in bringing about a better understanding between the Sinhala and Tamil communities. There was not even an acknowledgement of the receipt of this letter.
When Prof. G. L. Peiris was appointed Minister of Education in Gotabhaya Rajapaksa government in 2019, I again made this request. He highly appreciated the suggestion and expressed his desire in public to give effect to it. But before he could take any practical steps, his Ministry was changed.
Tamil politicians do not like Sinhala people learning Tamil or Tamil people learning Sinhala. They know that if the Sinhala and Tamil people can communicate with each other overcoming this language barrier, they cannot hoodwink the Tamil people and keep them under their domination. The demands made by Tamil Political parties are not those of the ordinary Tamil People. They are the demands of high caste elitist circles in Tamil society leading the Tamil political parties with the dream of setting up the separate state of Tamil Ealam in the North and the East of Sri Lanka and governing it. It was they who provided the leadership, remaining behind from the scene, to the Tamil youth to carry on the 30-year war, giving effect to the Vaddukkodai Resolution of 1976.
If President Wickremesinghe actually thinks that he can bring about real national unity, harmony and national reconciliation among the Sinhala and Tamil People by acceding to the demands of the Tamil political parties in the North and the East, he is only day-dreaming. When he talks of the common dream of Sampanthan and his, he knows what the dream of Sampanthan is. He is playing a political game to get the support of Tamil diaspora for his economic revival plans. With his proposals placed before the All-Party Conference in Parliament on August 8, he is only laying the groundwork to enable Sampanthan to achieve his cherished goal of setting up a federal state in the merged North -East functioning under a unitary label. He cannot be unaware of what will be the final outcome of this process. As shown by his past political decisions, it is compatible with his thinking.
As shown by the results of the Presidential elections of 2019, the thinking of Wickremesinghe and that of the Leader of the Opposition Sajith Premadasa and his Samagi Jana Balavegaya appears to be the same. (See Table)
At the 2019 presidential election, the TNA consisting of all the Tamil political parties and led by Sampanthan forwarded 13 demands to the candidates of major political parties, extending their support to the one who accepted them. From the preamble and the first demand in the list appearing below, one can get a clear idea of as to the solution these Tamil political parties are seeking for the Tamil National Question:
‘‘Having realized that the final solution to the long standing Tamil Ethnic issue, which has remained in the Island of Sri Lanka as an unresolved National Question for several decades and been the cause for the war which extended for over three decades, would be the – (1) Acceptance of the political aspirations of the Tamil Nation; (2) Recognition of the Northern and Eastern Provinces as the historical habitat and the traditional homelands of the Tamil Nation: (3) Acknowledgement of the Sovereignty of the Tamil Nation and (4) Realisation of the fact that the Tamil People under the provisions of International Law are entitled to the right of self-determination, accordingly the creation of federal rule in the merged Northern and Eastern Provinces would be our considered stand-point.
‘‘With the hope of finding a final solution to problems of Tamil People the following demands were presented to Presidential candidates of major political parties:
‘‘ A solution to the Sri Lankan Tamil issue must be found by setting up a new federal constitution, rejecting the heretofore unitary constitution, accepting the nationhood of the Sri Lankan Tamils, and recognizing its sovereignty, and accepting that Tamils under the provisions of the International Law are entitled to the right of self-determination.’’
Premadasa or his party did not make any public statement as to whether he would accept these demands or not. However, the results in the districts constituting Northern and Eastern Provinces are a clear indication that Sajith Premadasa and his party had accepted these demands.
Premadasa won all the Districts in the Northern and Eastern Provinces represented by TNA MPs with an overwhelming majority of over 72% of the total votes cast. Out of his 69 million votes, Gotabaya Rajapakss got only 277,199 votes from all the five districts. There need not be any more proof of the understanding between the SJB and the TNA on these demands.
TNA spokesman M. A. Sumanthiran, in a statement issued on 01.08. 2023, following the discussions of the Tamil Political parties with the President stated all their demands in just one sentence: ‘‘Our position is that power sharing must be in a federal structure, consistent with the aspirations of the Tamil People expressed at every election since 1956.’’
Sumanthiran has taken care not to arouse fear in the minds of Sinhala people with unnecessary details of their discussion about their demands. He has summarised all their demands made since 1956 in this short sentence.
What are the aspirations of the Tamil People expressed at every election since 1956? A. Acceptance of Tamil People in Sri Lanka as a nation distinct from that of the Sinhalese; B. Northern and Eastern Provinces of Sri Lanka are the areas of traditional, historical habitation of the Tamil speaking people;
C. Merger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces to constitute one administrative unit;
D. Full devolution of power going beyond the 13th Amendment, creating a federal rule in the merged North – East Province;
E. The Tamil Nation has an inalienable right to political autonomy/self-determination.
As Sampanthan has repeatedly said on several occasions : ‘‘ Our expectation of a solution to the ethnic problem of the sovereignty of the Tamil people is based on a political structure outside that of a unitary government, in a united Sri Lanka in which Tamil people have all the powers of government needed to live with self-respect and self-sufficiency…. We must have unrestricted authority to govern our land, protect our own people, and develop our own economy, culture and tradition…
‘‘ We are not looking to divide the country. We are only trying to share power, the country will be one united, undivided, indivisible country….
‘‘ All the powers required to ensure the unity and indivisibility of the country – defence, foreign affairs, finance and currency and immigration and emigration – would remain with the Central Government….
‘‘ We must have all the other powers. Meaningful devolution should go beyond the 13th Amendment to the Constitution passed in 1987. ’’
Though Sampanthan has not expressed openly, there is one more aspiration specifically mentioned in the 13 demands of the TNA: ‘‘The inalienable right of the Tamil people under the provisions of the International Law to self-determination.’’ That is, in other words, the Right to declare unilateral independence and create a separate state at an opportune moment with international support.
Let us see what will happen to this country if President Wickremesinghe’s proposals made at the All-Party Conference are carried out:
According to the decisions of our Supreme Court, the Provincial Councils are already exercising federal powers. However, due to the executive power exercised by the President through the Governors and the Legislative power exercised by our Parliament to decide on National Policies and enact legislation on the subjects in the National List, the Provincial Councils have not become full federal states. With the implementation of the proposals of the President, the Provincial Councils will become full Federal States exercising sovereign legislative and executive power over all the subjects within their purview.
With the merger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces into one administrative unit, the North-East Provincial Council under TNA control, with only 12.6 % of the population of the country, will get the full control of 30% of the land area of Sri Lanka and 60% of its coast line extending from Silawathura in Mannar District to Yala boundary in the Moneragala District.
(a) Trincomalee, the strategically important, the largest natural deep-water harbour in the world and three other harbours – Mannar, Kankasanthurai and Oluvil; (b) Palali International Airport and 3 other internal Airports – Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Ampara; and (c) Indo – Lanka ferry services operating from Talaimannar and Kankasanthurai – will come under its control.
The North and the East are very rich in mineral resources. One of the world’s largest and best ilmenite deposits is at Pulmuddai. Pearl Fisheries are at Mannar. Though not exploited yet, explorations have discovered the existence of large deposits of oil and natural gas in the sea around the North – East Coast. The sea around the North – East is so rich in fishery resources, even the fishing community from areas like Negombo and Gandara and Tangalle in the South go to Mulathivu – Trinco areas for off-season fishing. All these resources will come under the sole control of the North – East Provincial Council. The Centre may not able to exercise any effective control over them, without going to clash with them. The other Provincial Councils do not have such abundance of natural resources.
One main allegation made by all the Tamil political parties against successive governments is the settlement of Sinhala people in the North – East under various development schemes like Galoya Scheme and Mahaweli. Let us see what they say: ‘‘ Successive Sinhalese governments since independence have used their political power to the detriment of the Tamils by making serious inroads into the territories of the former Tamil Kingdom by a system of planned and state-aided Sinhalese colonisation.’’ – (Vaddukkodai Resolution)
‘‘Sinhala colonisation in the Northern and Eastern Provinces presently with state assistance must be stopped immediately.
‘‘Since the Mahaweli Development Authority is engaged in planned Sinhala Colonization in the Northern Province under the pretext of redirecting of the Mahaweli River to the North, the jurisdiction of the said Authority must be forthwith terminated. Also the planned Sinhala Colonization taking place in the Eastern Province under the Mahaweli Development Scheme must also be terminated.
‘‘ The Moragaskanda Irrigation Scheme recently introduced is indulging in planned Sinhala Colonisation in the Vanni Region. All such Sinhala Colonization must forthwith be terminated.’’ – (13 Point Demands of TNA to Candidates of Presidential Election, 2019)
In their view the Sinhala People have no right to set up settlements and live in the Northern and Eastern Provinces. If they can make this type of demands when they have no State Power, what would not they do, if they get State Power into their hands? If these proposals are implemented, with Police Powers and Land powers in their hand, they can create a situation in which ‘‘those Sinhalese who are still living in the North and East, including those in Ampara and Trincomalee, would necessarily leave their lands and flee to the South.”
The bulk of the uncultivated arable land with irrigation facilities in the country is situated in the Northern and Eastern Provinces. All the other provinces are more thickly populated than the Northern and Eastern Provinces. Lack of arable land suitable for human settlement is a big problem these areas are facing. All the major reservoirs built under the Mahaveli Scheme and for hydropower generation are situated in the Central, Sabaragamuwa and Uva Provinces and hilly areas in these Provinces and in Kalutara, Galle and Matara districts are highly susceptible to landslides. Whenever there are heavy rains, several times a year, the Disaster Management Centre issues urgent warnings of landslides and the people in these areas have to live in constant fear. There is a danger of large number of people in these areas being displaced due to these natural disasters.
However, the government of Sri Lanka will not be able to set up settlements for these people in any area in the North- East however much unoccupied arable land with irrigation facilities suitable for large scale human settlements available there.
As President J. R. Jayewardene said in his Address to Parliament in 1986: ‘‘If they are implemented, the TULF would have all but attained Eelam. It need hardly be said that even if the demand for a Tamil Linguistic State is granted, further problems and conflicts are bound to arise between that Tamil Linguistic State of the North and East and the Centre. Water, hydropower and the apportioning of funds are some of the areas in which conflicts could arise. A cause or pretext for a conflict on which to base a unilateral declaration of independence could easily be found. There can be little doubt that what the TULF seeks to achieve by its demands is the necessary infrastructure for a State of Eelam, after which a final putsch could be made for the creation of a State of Eelam, comprising not only of the North and East, but of at least the hill country and the NCP as well.”
According to the International Court Judgement in the case of East Timor vs Portugal, the North-East administration, with shared sovereignty, can make an application to the International Court for its recognition as a separate state where their sovereign right is denied by the Centre over a conflict. That is why the TNA and other Tamil political parties repeatedly raise the demand: ‘‘ Tamil People under the provisions of International Law are entitled to the right of self-determination.’’ As JR said they will create a conflicting situation with unreasonable demands that no sovereign state can grant, and on the pretext of that they will try to create Eelam. The implementation of President Wickremesinghe’s proposals is likely to facilitate the establishment of a separate state in the North East of Sri Lanka. They will be able to achieve with international support, what they could not achieve with 30 years of war. Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa and his Podu Jana Peramuna will have no right to brag about their achievements in the 30-year war, unless they are prepared to come forward to prevent this with effective measures. Otherwise, they will also be equally responsible for the impending disaster of destroying unity and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka. (Concluded)
by Dr Gotabhya Ranasinghe
Senior Consultant Cardiologist
National Hospital Sri Lanka
When we sought a meeting with Hon Dr. Ramesh Pathirana, Minister of Health, he graciously cleared his busy schedule to accommodate us. Renowned for his attentive listening and deep understanding, Minister Pathirana is dedicated to advancing the health sector. His openness and transparency exemplify the qualities of an exemplary politician and minister.
Dr. Palitha Mahipala, the current Health Secretary, demonstrates both commendable enthusiasm and unwavering support. This combination of attributes makes him a highly compatible colleague for the esteemed Minister of Health.
Our discussion centered on a project that has been in the works for the past 30 years, one that no other minister had managed to advance.
Minister Pathirana, however, recognized the project’s significance and its potential to revolutionize care for heart patients.
The project involves the construction of a state-of-the-art facility at the premises of the National Hospital Colombo. The project’s location within the premises of the National Hospital underscores its importance and relevance to the healthcare infrastructure of the nation.
This facility will include a cardiology building and a tertiary care center, equipped with the latest technology to handle and treat all types of heart-related conditions and surgeries.
Securing funding was a major milestone for this initiative. Minister Pathirana successfully obtained approval for a $40 billion loan from the Asian Development Bank. With the funding in place, the foundation stone is scheduled to be laid in September this year, and construction will begin in January 2025.
This project guarantees a consistent and uninterrupted supply of stents and related medications for heart patients. As a result, patients will have timely access to essential medical supplies during their treatment and recovery. By securing these critical resources, the project aims to enhance patient outcomes, minimize treatment delays, and maintain the highest standards of cardiac care.
Upon its fruition, this monumental building will serve as a beacon of hope and healing, symbolizing the unwavering dedication to improving patient outcomes and fostering a healthier society.We anticipate a future marked by significant progress and positive outcomes in Sri Lanka’s cardiovascular treatment landscape within the foreseeable timeframe.
by Fr. Emmanuel Fernando, OMI
Jesuit Fr. Aloysius Pieris (affectionately called Fr. Aloy) celebrated his 90th birthday on April 9, 2024 and I, as the editor of our Oblate Journal, THE MISSIONARY OBLATE had gone to press by that time. Immediately I decided to publish an article, appreciating the untiring selfless services he continues to offer for inter-Faith dialogue, the renewal of the Catholic Church, his concern for the poor and the suffering Sri Lankan masses and to me, the present writer.
It was in 1988, when I was appointed Director of the Oblate Scholastics at Ampitiya by the then Oblate Provincial Fr. Anselm Silva, that I came to know Fr. Aloy more closely. Knowing well his expertise in matters spiritual, theological, Indological and pastoral, and with the collaborative spirit of my companion-formators, our Oblate Scholastics were sent to Tulana, the Research and Encounter Centre, Kelaniya, of which he is the Founder-Director, for ‘exposure-programmes’ on matters spiritual, biblical, theological and pastoral. Some of these dimensions according to my view and that of my companion-formators, were not available at the National Seminary, Ampitiya.
Ever since that time, our Oblate formators/ accompaniers at the Oblate Scholasticate, Ampitiya , have continued to send our Oblate Scholastics to Tulana Centre for deepening their insights and convictions regarding matters needed to serve the people in today’s context. Fr. Aloy also had tried very enthusiastically with the Oblate team headed by Frs. Oswald Firth and Clement Waidyasekara to begin a Theologate, directed by the Religious Congregations in Sri Lanka, for the contextual formation/ accompaniment of their members. It should very well be a desired goal of the Leaders / Provincials of the Religious Congregations.
Besides being a formator/accompanier at the Oblate Scholasticate, I was entrusted also with the task of editing and publishing our Oblate journal, ‘The Missionary Oblate’. To maintain the quality of the journal I continue to depend on Fr. Aloy for his thought-provoking and stimulating articles on Biblical Spirituality, Biblical Theology and Ecclesiology. I am very grateful to him for his generous assistance. Of late, his writings on renewal of the Church, initiated by Pope St. John XX111 and continued by Pope Francis through the Synodal path, published in our Oblate journal, enable our readers to focus their attention also on the needed renewal in the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka. Fr. Aloy appreciated very much the Synodal path adopted by the Jesuit Pope Francis for the renewal of the Church, rooted very much on prayerful discernment. In my Religious and presbyteral life, Fr.Aloy continues to be my spiritual animator / guide and ongoing formator / acccompanier.
Fr. Aloysius Pieris, BA Hons (Lond), LPh (SHC, India), STL (PFT, Naples), PhD (SLU/VC), ThD (Tilburg), D.Ltt (KU), has been one of the eminent Asian theologians well recognized internationally and one who has lectured and held visiting chairs in many universities both in the West and in the East. Many members of Religious Congregations from Asian countries have benefited from his lectures and guidance in the East Asian Pastoral Institute (EAPI) in Manila, Philippines. He had been a Theologian consulted by the Federation of Asian Bishops’ Conferences for many years. During his professorship at the Gregorian University in Rome, he was called to be a member of a special group of advisers on other religions consulted by Pope Paul VI.
Fr. Aloy is the author of more than 30 books and well over 500 Research Papers. Some of his books and articles have been translated and published in several countries. Among those books, one can find the following: 1) The Genesis of an Asian Theology of Liberation (An Autobiographical Excursus on the Art of Theologising in Asia, 2) An Asian Theology of Liberation, 3) Providential Timeliness of Vatican 11 (a long-overdue halt to a scandalous millennium, 4) Give Vatican 11 a chance, 5) Leadership in the Church, 6) Relishing our faith in working for justice (Themes for study and discussion), 7) A Message meant mainly, not exclusively for Jesuits (Background information necessary for helping Francis renew the Church), 8) Lent in Lanka (Reflections and Resolutions, 9) Love meets wisdom (A Christian Experience of Buddhism, 10) Fire and Water 11) God’s Reign for God’s poor, 12) Our Unhiddden Agenda (How we Jesuits work, pray and form our men). He is also the Editor of two journals, Vagdevi, Journal of Religious Reflection and Dialogue, New Series.
Fr. Aloy has a BA in Pali and Sanskrit from the University of London and a Ph.D in Buddhist Philosophy from the University of Sri Lankan, Vidyodaya Campus. On Nov. 23, 2019, he was awarded the prestigious honorary Doctorate of Literature (D.Litt) by the Chancellor of the University of Kelaniya, the Most Venerable Welamitiyawe Dharmakirthi Sri Kusala Dhamma Thera.
Fr. Aloy continues to be a promoter of Gospel values and virtues. Justice as a constitutive dimension of love and social concern for the downtrodden masses are very much noted in his life and work. He had very much appreciated the commitment of the late Fr. Joseph (Joe) Fernando, the National Director of the Social and Economic Centre (SEDEC) for the poor.
In Sri Lanka, a few religious Congregations – the Good Shepherd Sisters, the Christian Brothers, the Marist Brothers and the Oblates – have invited him to animate their members especially during their Provincial Congresses, Chapters and International Conferences. The mainline Christian Churches also have sought his advice and followed his seminars. I, for one, regret very much, that the Sri Lankan authorities of the Catholic Church –today’s Hierarchy—- have not sought Fr.
Aloy’s expertise for the renewal of the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka and thus have not benefited from the immense store of wisdom and insight that he can offer to our local Church while the Sri Lankan bishops who governed the Catholic church in the immediate aftermath of the Second Vatican Council (Edmund Fernando OMI, Anthony de Saram, Leo Nanayakkara OSB, Frank Marcus Fernando, Paul Perera,) visited him and consulted him on many matters. Among the Tamil Bishops, Bishop Rayappu Joseph was keeping close contact with him and Bishop J. Deogupillai hosted him and his team visiting him after the horrible Black July massacre of Tamils.
Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement
By Gomi Senadhira
senadhiragomi@gmail.com
“You might tell fairy tales, but the progress of a country cannot be achieved through such narratives. A country cannot be developed by making false promises. The country moved backward because of the electoral promises made by political parties throughout time. We have witnessed that the ultimate result of this is the country becoming bankrupt. Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet.” – President Ranil Wickremesinghe, 2024 Budget speech
Any Sri Lankan would agree with the above words of President Wickremesinghe on the false promises our politicians and officials make and the fairy tales they narrate which bankrupted this country. So, to understand this, let’s look at one such fairy tale with lots of false promises; Ranil Wickremesinghe’s greatest achievement in the area of international trade and investment promotion during the Yahapalana period, Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement (SLSFTA).
It is appropriate and timely to do it now as Finance Minister Wickremesinghe has just presented to parliament a bill on the National Policy on Economic Transformation which includes the establishment of an Office for International Trade and the Sri Lanka Institute of Economics and International Trade.
Was SLSFTA a “Cleverly negotiated Free Trade Agreement” as stated by the (former) Minister of Development Strategies and International Trade Malik Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate on the SLSFTA in July 2018, or a colossal blunder covered up with lies, false promises, and fairy tales? After SLSFTA was signed there were a number of fairy tales published on this agreement by the Ministry of Development Strategies and International, Institute of Policy Studies, and others.
However, for this article, I would like to limit my comments to the speech by Minister Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate, and the two most important areas in the agreement which were covered up with lies, fairy tales, and false promises, namely: revenue loss for Sri Lanka and Investment from Singapore. On the other important area, “Waste products dumping” I do not want to comment here as I have written extensively on the issue.
1. The revenue loss
During the Parliamentary Debate in July 2018, Minister Samarawickrama stated “…. let me reiterate that this FTA with Singapore has been very cleverly negotiated by us…. The liberalisation programme under this FTA has been carefully designed to have the least impact on domestic industry and revenue collection. We have included all revenue sensitive items in the negative list of items which will not be subject to removal of tariff. Therefore, 97.8% revenue from Customs duty is protected. Our tariff liberalisation will take place over a period of 12-15 years! In fact, the revenue earned through tariffs on goods imported from Singapore last year was Rs. 35 billion.
The revenue loss for over the next 15 years due to the FTA is only Rs. 733 million– which when annualised, on average, is just Rs. 51 million. That is just 0.14% per year! So anyone who claims the Singapore FTA causes revenue loss to the Government cannot do basic arithmetic! Mr. Speaker, in conclusion, I call on my fellow members of this House – don’t mislead the public with baseless criticism that is not grounded in facts. Don’t look at petty politics and use these issues for your own political survival.”
I was surprised to read the minister’s speech because an article published in January 2018 in “The Straits Times“, based on information released by the Singaporean Negotiators stated, “…. With the FTA, tariff savings for Singapore exports are estimated to hit $10 million annually“.
As the annual tariff savings (that is the revenue loss for Sri Lanka) calculated by the Singaporean Negotiators, Singaporean $ 10 million (Sri Lankan rupees 1,200 million in 2018) was way above the rupees’ 733 million revenue loss for 15 years estimated by the Sri Lankan negotiators, it was clear to any observer that one of the parties to the agreement had not done the basic arithmetic!
Six years later, according to a report published by “The Morning” newspaper, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) on 7th May 2024, Mr Samarawickrama’s chief trade negotiator K.J. Weerasinghehad had admitted “…. that forecasted revenue loss for the Government of Sri Lanka through the Singapore FTA is Rs. 450 million in 2023 and Rs. 1.3 billion in 2024.”
If these numbers are correct, as tariff liberalisation under the SLSFTA has just started, we will pass Rs 2 billion very soon. Then, the question is how Sri Lanka’s trade negotiators made such a colossal blunder. Didn’t they do their basic arithmetic? If they didn’t know how to do basic arithmetic they should have at least done their basic readings. For example, the headline of the article published in The Straits Times in January 2018 was “Singapore, Sri Lanka sign FTA, annual savings of $10m expected”.
Anyway, as Sri Lanka’s chief negotiator reiterated at the COPF meeting that “…. since 99% of the tariffs in Singapore have zero rates of duty, Sri Lanka has agreed on 80% tariff liberalisation over a period of 15 years while expecting Singapore investments to address the imbalance in trade,” let’s turn towards investment.
Investment from Singapore
In July 2018, speaking during the Parliamentary Debate on the FTA this is what Minister Malik Samarawickrama stated on investment from Singapore, “Already, thanks to this FTA, in just the past two-and-a-half months since the agreement came into effect we have received a proposal from Singapore for investment amounting to $ 14.8 billion in an oil refinery for export of petroleum products. In addition, we have proposals for a steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million), sugar refinery ($ 200 million). This adds up to more than $ 16.05 billion in the pipeline on these projects alone.
And all of these projects will create thousands of more jobs for our people. In principle approval has already been granted by the BOI and the investors are awaiting the release of land the environmental approvals to commence the project.
I request the Opposition and those with vested interests to change their narrow-minded thinking and join us to develop our country. We must always look at what is best for the whole community, not just the few who may oppose. We owe it to our people to courageously take decisions that will change their lives for the better.”
According to the media report I quoted earlier, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) Chief Negotiator Weerasinghe has admitted that Sri Lanka was not happy with overall Singapore investments that have come in the past few years in return for the trade liberalisation under the Singapore-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement. He has added that between 2021 and 2023 the total investment from Singapore had been around $162 million!
What happened to those projects worth $16 billion negotiated, thanks to the SLSFTA, in just the two-and-a-half months after the agreement came into effect and approved by the BOI? I do not know about the steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million) and sugar refinery ($ 200 million).
However, story of the multibillion-dollar investment in the Petroleum Refinery unfolded in a manner that would qualify it as the best fairy tale with false promises presented by our politicians and the officials, prior to 2019 elections.
Though many Sri Lankans got to know, through the media which repeatedly highlighted a plethora of issues surrounding the project and the questionable credentials of the Singaporean investor, the construction work on the Mirrijiwela Oil Refinery along with the cement factory began on the24th of March 2019 with a bang and Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and his ministers along with the foreign and local dignitaries laid the foundation stones.
That was few months before the 2019 Presidential elections. Inaugurating the construction work Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe said the projects will create thousands of job opportunities in the area and surrounding districts.
The oil refinery, which was to be built over 200 acres of land, with the capacity to refine 200,000 barrels of crude oil per day, was to generate US$7 billion of exports and create 1,500 direct and 3,000 indirect jobs. The construction of the refinery was to be completed in 44 months. Four years later, in August 2023 the Cabinet of Ministers approved the proposal presented by President Ranil Wickremesinghe to cancel the agreement with the investors of the refinery as the project has not been implemented! Can they explain to the country how much money was wasted to produce that fairy tale?
It is obvious that the President, ministers, and officials had made huge blunders and had deliberately misled the public and the parliament on the revenue loss and potential investment from SLSFTA with fairy tales and false promises.
As the president himself said, a country cannot be developed by making false promises or with fairy tales and these false promises and fairy tales had bankrupted the country. “Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet”.
(The writer, a specialist and an activist on trade and development issues . )
US sports envoys to Lanka to champion youth development
Rahuman questions sudden cancellation of leave of CEB employees
