Opinion
Fragile chances of recovery from current economic crisis
By Chandra Amerasekare
For most Sri Lankan expatriates concerned about the plight of their kith and kin struggling to survive in Sri Lanka, it was heartening to see the peaceful Aragalaya unfolding at the Galle Face Green against the corrupt and extremely inefficient government of Gotabaya Rajapaksa responsible for dragging the country into bankruptcy. A cross-section of the population lent their support to the demonstrators, for they had a common grievance and wanted either to force the government to change course or to make way for another government.
The protesters had neither political affiliations or a leader nor a planned course of action. They had no idea of the constitutional limitations to a change of government within the next two years. They were unarmed and peaceful. Economic difficulties and uncertainty about their future propelled them to the streets to voice their concern. It was easy for people looking for pleasure or free food or for opportunities to further their political agendas, to enter GotaGo Gama and become part of the crowd. Nobody knew from where the money flowed to finance the ad-hoc activities in GotaGoGama starting from spontaneous cultural shows to a free restaurant continuously supplying good food in the context of a national scarcity of food. However, the initial phase of the Aragalaya (before May 9th) though without a decisive plan or goal, won the hearts of Sri Lankans and was successful in achieving three significant changes in the country.
The first phase of the Aragalaya forced Mahinda Rajapaksha and his cabinet to resign. Secondly, Aragalaya awakened the voters to the reality and effectiveness of peoples’ sovereignty, to the fact that they have the power to elect the MPs but need to be careful in selecting their representatives and watch how they perform once elected. The other achievement was demonstrating the value of thinking as Sri Lankans, and not as Sinhalese, Tamils, or Muslims. No social reformer or social/political leader has been able to do this so effectively.
After May 9, the Aragalaya became ugly, destructive, and hate-driven. Rajapaksha supporters attacked the peaceful protesters and it was seen that the peaceful protesters were the victims and did not retaliate violently. But by this time other elements, some with political agendas backed by political parties and numerous leaders claiming ownership of the Aragalaya plus others with unholy personal agendas had infiltrated into the Aragalaya and they took over the task of retaliating against the SLPP for the May 9th attack. These elements went on a rampage of destruction creating a fear psychic and spreading hatred.
Burning private residences cannot be condoned in a decent society. Surprisingly, not a single expression of disapproval could be seen in Sri Lanka against the murder of a legislator and burning down houses of politicians that sheltered their innocent children and women. The reason for this may have been the fear psychic and fear of retaliation by violent elements of the Aragalaya. Sri Lankan culture is certainly not this. Even today one could see the accommodating, tolerant and hospitable nature of Sri Lankans in rural areas. The second stage of the Aragalaya destroyed that image of Sri Lanka and the image of the peaceful Aragalaya of the youth. These youths who were genuine protesters need to come forward and join democratic forces to change politics in Sri Lanka.
The demonised elements that took control of the Aragalaya had no respect for life and property, the rule of law, the forces and the police trying hard to maintain law and order, or even the constitution of the country. They pronounced that what they say is the constitution. There are indeed corrupt elements in the Police. But it is to the police that every Sri Lankan runs for help when in need of protection or to settle disputes. The tri forces always came to the rescue of civilians during war and natural disasters. The abusive manner in which some protesters reacted to them was not only appalling but extremely ungrateful. The violent demonstrators would have made Sri Lanka a stateless country had the police and the forces failed to hold them back after the nerve centres of administration were captured and plundered by them. Had that happened, it would have taken months to form a government for the various factions would have fought for leadership and power. Even after forming a government, it would have taken a long time to be recognised internationally as a legitimate state, and by that time a significant segment of the population would have succumbed to starvation and disease.
By no stretch of imagination can anyone say these Aragalaya members (second phase) had any concern for the struggling people. If they had, they would not have tried to dismantle the government that was trying to distribute the essential items to give relief to the people. The social and political unrest they created pushed back the assistance the country could have received in August to alleviate the people’s misery.
When IMF discussions were pushed back due to the social unrest, bilateral donors ready to open their aid windows to help Sri Lanka hesitated, and that prolonged the agony of the people. Added to this, the deceit of a few who took advantage of the scarcities to find new avenues of income by hoarding oil and gas disillusioned many including those who stretched a helping hand.
Now that a beginning has been made to stabilise the country socially and politically, there is law and order and there is a skeleton of a government. All political parties have a responsibility to work together to rescue the country. If this happens and an all-party government is formed, it will give a more democratic face to the government and make social and political stability sustainable until the country can afford an election as early as possible. Most importantly this will give a signal to the international community, both multilateral and bilateral donors that there is no power struggle and the country is serious about recovering the economy.
Political parties and society need to recognise the political and economic realities prevailing at this moment. Then only the country can move forward. We need to realise that everything has to happen according to the constitution to avoid anarchy and complete breakdown. There is no constitutional provision to dissolve parliament for the next two years. Any government formed within the present parliament needs to have a working majority in parliament. It is the SLPP that has a majority. The current President has the support of 134 members. The present economic situation demands immediate action and the prospects of making it better are dim and uncertain for at least another six months. Further struggles will push recovery beyond the horizon. Sri Lanka cannot come out of this situation without foreign assistance. To get foreign assistance a precondition is political and social stability and the willingness of the country to work to revive the economy.
Given these preconditions and the country’s inability to stand on its own feet at this moment, the best course of action is to go along with the present government whether we like it or not, and work together to retrieve a bleeding economy and save the lives of people without further delay. The opposition parties owe it to the people who elected them to help the government in this effort to recover and maintain social and political stability to facilitate the recovery. If they do that they will be able to share the credit for helping the people to emerge from the current disaster. Personal ambitions are high. If opposition parties keep looking for prospects of grabbing power at the expense of making people suffer, leaders stick to their guns and refuse to join the government laying down impossible conditions, they can end up as losers in the next election. People certainly will not consider them as politicians who love the country and the people.
In this effort to rebuild the economy, Government needs to give due place to youths who initiated the peaceful Aragalaya and others who have ingenuity and leadership. The maiden speech made by a young Sri Lankan woman in the Victorian parliament revealing her carrier prior to entering parliament as a voluntary social worker to uplift the lives of many and how she learnt from experienced people in her life, gives an idea about how youth could become leaders. The Government should look for youths like that and give them space in the legislature and other decision-making centers.
System change
The general opinion now in Sri Lanka is that there should be a system change to usher in an era of corruption-free government and people-friendly development. What is this system change? In simple language, a system means the way a human being does something to fulfill a need or get something done. In a parliamentary democracy what systems are used in governance? The constitution provides the framework for all the systems of governance and for protecting the individual and society. It is the fountain of all laws, lays down the individual rights and freedoms, the limitations to the exercise of such freedoms and rights, and the sub-systems necessary to govern the country. As such we have the following systems in governance:
· The legislature to make laws in keeping with the constitution and decide on policies and control government expenditure and revenue as well as borrowings.
· The executive, including the presidency and the Cabinet, answerable to parliament for implementing policy.
· The judiciary, responsible for implementing the laws according to the constitution.
· The Public service and the Judicial service responsible for implementing government policy, and managing the administration.
One needs to first identify the defects and loopholes in the existing systems that allow corruption, inefficiency, waste, and indifference to people’s welfare, to bring about the changes necessary to remove them. For example, consider the constitution that provides the framework for all the other systems. Any government with a two-thirds majority could change the constitution to further its political agenda to the detriment of the welfare of the people. Such changes have increased the powers of the president excessively and compromised the independence of the Public, Judicial, and Police services Commissions and the Elections Commission. The result was the politicisation of these Commissions and the public service leading to inefficiency and corruption due to political patronage replacing meritocracy in recruitment, promotion and postings in these services.
If one considers the Legislature, more than sixty percent of the members do not play a role in legislative or overseeing functions. Most MPs attend parliament to meet the minimum requirement of attendance and give their vote to support the party when a vote is taken. They earn a special fee for attendance when voters have sent them there for that purpose. There are no minimum educational or legal requirements in the election law for a candidate to contest parliamentary elections. The same law has no provisions to prevent MPs from crossing over seeking greener pastures. The conduct of most MPs during parliamentary sessions exceeds the limits of decency. The debate is mostly motivated to damage the image of opponents for electoral gain. Accusations are made against opponents based on social media without presenting evidence. The code of conduct for MPs is toothless to prevent such actions.
There is no provision in the existing structure of the overseeing committees in parliament for outside social groups and interest groups to contribute to policy making or overseeing policy implementation. The cost of maintaining an MP and a Minister is a huge burden to the taxpayer. Extravagant remunerations and perks, expenditures on office facilities, transport as well as escorts given to Ministers and MPs are unsustainable in a debt-dependent poor country.
Similarly, the existing defects of the other systems mentioned above are known to the public. Constitutional changes and new laws, regulations, changes in procedures and record keeping, as well as improving the use of modern day technology in administration are required for a system change.
In conclusion, the most important factor necessary for a system change is the commitment of the people to understand the current realities and change their perspective and attitude. They must adhere to basic values and adopt a lifestyle that is within their means. More importantly, they must exercise their vote intelligently to appoint the most suitable candidate to parliament and subsidiary political assemblies. The entire society has the responsibility to create a social environment where ethics such as honesty, fairness, tolerance, respecting diversity, respecting women and elders are the norms.
The writer is a retired SLAS officer who has worked in the Ministries of planning and Finance for over two and a half decades. She can be contacted at amerasekare@gmail.com
Opinion
Child food poverty: A prowling menace
by Dr B.J.C.Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paed), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin),
FRCP(Lon), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
Joint Editor, Sri Lanka Journal of Child Health
In an age of unprecedented global development, technological advancements, universal connectivity, and improvements in living standards in many areas of the world, it is a very dark irony that child food poverty remains a pressing issue. UNICEF defines child food poverty as children’s inability to access and consume a nutritious and diverse diet in early childhood. Despite the planet Earth’s undisputed capacity to produce enough food to nourish everyone, millions of children still go hungry each day. We desperately need to explore the multifaceted deleterious effects of child food poverty, on physical health, cognitive development, emotional well-being, and societal impacts and then try to formulate a road map to alleviate its deleterious effects.
Every day, right across the world, millions of parents and families are struggling to provide nutritious and diverse foods that young children desperately need to reach their full potential. Growing inequities, conflict, and climate crises, combined with rising food prices, the overabundance of unhealthy foods, harmful food marketing strategies and poor child-feeding practices, are condemning millions of children to child food poverty.
In a communique dated 06th June 2024, UNICEF reports that globally, 1 in 4 children; approximately 181 million under the age of five, live in severe child food poverty, defined as consuming at most, two of eight food groups in early childhood. These children are up to 50 per cent more likely to suffer from life-threatening malnutrition. Child Food Poverty: Nutrition Deprivation in Early Childhood – the third issue of UNICEF’s flagship Child Nutrition Report – highlights that millions of young children are unable to access and consume the nutritious and diverse diets that are essential for their growth and development in early childhood and beyond.
It is highlighted in the report that four out of five children experiencing severe child food poverty are fed only breastmilk or just some other milk and/or a starchy staple, such as maize, rice or wheat. Less than 10 per cent of these children are fed fruits and vegetables and less than 5 per cent are fed nutrient-dense foods such as eggs, fish, poultry, or meat. These are horrendous statistics that should pull at the heartstrings of the discerning populace of this world.
The report also identifies the drivers of child food poverty. Strikingly, though 46 per cent of all cases of severe child food poverty are among poor households where income poverty is likely to be a major driver, 54 per cent live in relatively wealthier households, among whom poor food environments and feeding practices are the main drivers of food poverty in early childhood.
One of the most immediate and visible effects of child food poverty is its detrimental impact on physical health. Malnutrition, which can result from both insufficient calorie intake and lack of essential nutrients, is a prevalent consequence. Chronic undernourishment during formative years leads to stunted growth, weakened immune systems, and increased susceptibility to infections and diseases. Children who do not receive adequate nutrition are more likely to suffer from conditions such as anaemia, rickets, and developmental delays.
Moreover, the lack of proper nutrition can have long-term health consequences. Malnourished children are at a higher risk of developing chronic illnesses such as heart disease, diabetes, and obesity later in life. The paradox of child food poverty is that it can lead to both undernutrition and overnutrition, with children in food-insecure households often consuming calorie-dense but nutrient-poor foods due to economic constraints. This dietary pattern increases the risk of obesity, creating a vicious cycle of poor health outcomes.
The impacts of child food poverty extend beyond physical health, severely affecting cognitive development and educational attainment. Adequate nutrition is crucial for brain development, particularly in the early years of life. Malnutrition can impair cognitive functions such as attention, memory, and problem-solving skills. Studies have consistently shown that malnourished children perform worse academically compared to their well-nourished peers. Inadequate nutrition during early childhood can lead to reduced school readiness and lower IQ scores. These children often struggle to concentrate in school, miss more days due to illness, and have lower overall academic performance. This educational disadvantage perpetuates the cycle of poverty, as lower educational attainment reduces future employment opportunities and earning potential.
The emotional and psychological effects of child food poverty are profound and are often overlooked. Food insecurity creates a constant state of stress and anxiety for both children and their families. The uncertainty of not knowing when or where the next meal will come from can lead to feelings of helplessness and despair. Children in food-insecure households are more likely to experience behavioural problems, including hyperactivity, aggression, and withdrawal. The stigma associated with poverty and hunger can further exacerbate these emotional challenges. Children who experience food poverty may feel shame and embarrassment, leading to social isolation and reduced self-esteem. This psychological toll can have lasting effects, contributing to mental health issues such as depression and anxiety in adolescence and adulthood.
Child food poverty also perpetuates cycles of poverty and inequality. Children who grow up in food-insecure households are more likely to remain in poverty as adults, continuing the intergenerational transmission of disadvantage. This cycle of poverty exacerbates social disparities, contributing to increased crime rates, reduced social cohesion, and greater reliance on social welfare programmes. The repercussions of child food poverty ripple through society, creating economic and social challenges that affect everyone. The healthcare costs associated with treating malnutrition-related illnesses and chronic diseases are substantial. Additionally, the educational deficits linked to child food poverty result in a less skilled workforce, which hampers economic growth and productivity.
Addressing child food poverty requires a multi-faceted approach that tackles both immediate needs and underlying causes. Policy interventions are crucial in ensuring that all children have access to adequate nutrition. This can include expanding social safety nets, such as food assistance programmes and school meal initiatives, as well as targeted manoeuvres to reach more vulnerable families. Ensuring that these programmes are adequately funded and effectively implemented is essential for their success.
In addition to direct food assistance, broader economic and social policies are needed to address the root causes of poverty. This includes efforts to increase household incomes through living wage policies, job training programs, and economic development initiatives. Supporting families with affordable childcare, healthcare, and housing can also alleviate some of the financial pressures that contribute to food insecurity.
Community-based initiatives play a vital role in combating child food poverty. Local food banks, community gardens, and nutrition education programmes can help provide immediate relief and promote long-term food security. Collaborative efforts between government, non-profits, and the private sector are necessary to create sustainable solutions.
Child food poverty is a profound and inescapable issue with far-reaching consequences. Its deleterious effects on physical health, cognitive development, emotional well-being, and societal stability underscore the urgent need for comprehensive action. As we strive for a more equitable and just world, addressing child food poverty must be a priority. By ensuring that all children have access to adequate nutrition, we can lay the foundation for a healthier, more prosperous future for individuals and society as a whole. The fight against child food poverty is not just a moral imperative but an investment in our collective future. Healthy, well-nourished children are more likely to grow into productive, contributing members of society. The benefits of addressing this issue extend beyond individual well-being, enhancing economic stability and social harmony. It is incumbent upon us all to recognize and act upon the understanding that every child deserves the right to adequate nutrition and the opportunity to thrive.
Despite all of these existent challenges, it is very definitely possible to end child food poverty. The world needs targeted interventions to transform food, health, and social protection systems, and also take steps to strengthen data systems to track progress in reducing child food poverty. All these manoeuvres must comprise a concerted effort towards making nutritious and diverse diets accessible and affordable to all. We need to call for child food poverty reduction to be recognized as a metric of success towards achieving global and national nutrition and development goals.
Material from UNICEF reports and AI assistance are acknowledged.
Opinion
Do opinion polls matter?
By Dr Upul Wijayawardhana
The colossal failure of not a single opinion poll predicting accurately the result of the Indian parliamentary election, the greatest exercise in democracy in the world, raises the question whether the importance of opinion polls is vastly exaggerated. During elections two types of opinion polls are conducted; one based on intentions to vote, published during or before the campaign, often being not very accurate as these are subject to many variables but exit polls, done after the voting where a sample tally of how the voters actually voted, are mostly accurate. However, of the 15 exit polls published soon after all the votes were cast in the massive Indian election, 13 vastly overpredicted the number of seats Modi’s BJP led coalition NDA would obtain, some giving a figure as high as 400, the number Modi claimed he is aiming for. The other two polls grossly underestimated predicting a hung parliament. The actual result is that NDA passed the threshold of 272 comfortably, there being no landslide. BJP by itself was not able to cross the threshold, a significant setback for an overconfident Mody! Whether this would result in less excesses on the part of Modi, like Muslim-bashing, remains to be seen. Anyway, the statement issued by BJP that they would be investigating the reasons for failure rather than blaming the process speaks very highly of the maturity of the democratic process in India.
I was intrigued by this failure of opinion polls as this differs dramatically from opinion polls in the UK. I never failed to watch ‘Election night specials’ on BBC; as the Big Ben strikes ‘ten’ (In the UK polls close at 10pm} the anchor comes out with “Exit polls predict that …” and the actual outcome is often almost as predicted. However, many a time opinion polls conducted during the campaign have got the predictions wrong. There are many explanations for this.
An opinion poll is defined as a research survey of public opinion from a particular sample, the origin of which can be traced back to the 1824 US presidential election, when two local newspapers in North Carolina and Delaware predicted the victory of Andrew Jackson but the sample was local. First national survey was done in 1916 by the magazine, Literary Digest, partly for circulation-raising, by mailing millions of postcards and counting the returns. Of course, this was not very scientific though it accurately predicted the election of Woodrow Wilson.
Since then, opinion polls have grown in extent and complexity with scientific methodology improving the outcome of predictions not only in elections but also in market research. As a result, some of these organisations have become big businesses. For instance, YouGov, an internet-based organisation co-founded by the Iraqi-born British politician Nadim Zahawi, based in London had a revenue of 258 million GBP in 2023.
In Sri Lanka, opinion polls seem to be conducted by only one organisation which, by itself, is a disadvantage, as pooled data from surveys conducted by many are more likely to reflect the true situation. Irrespective of the degree of accuracy, politicians seem to be dependent on the available data which lend explanations to the behaviour of some.
The Institute for Health Policy’s (IHP) Sri Lanka Opinion Tracker Survey has been tracking the voting intentions for the likely candidates for the Presidential election. At one stage the NPP/JVP leader AKD was getting a figure over 50%. This together with some degree of international acceptance made the JVP behave as if they are already in power, leading to some incidents where their true colour was showing.
The comments made by a prominent member of the JVP who claimed that the JVP killed only the riff-raff, raised many questions, in addition to being a total insult to many innocents killed by them including my uncle. Do they have the authority to do so? Do extra-judicial killings continue to be JVP policy? Do they consider anyone who disagrees with them riff-raff? Will they kill them simply because they do not comply like one of my admired teachers, Dr Gladys Jayawardena who was considered riff-raff because she, as the Chairman of the State Pharmaceutical Corporation, arranged to buy drugs cheaper from India? Is it not the height of hypocrisy that AKD is now boasting of his ties to India?
Another big-wig comes with the grand idea of devolving law and order to village level. As stated very strongly, in the editorial “Pledges and reality” (The Island, 20 May) is this what they intend to do: Have JVP kangaroo-courts!
Perhaps, as a result of these incidents AKD’s ratings has dropped to 39%, according to the IHP survey done in April, and Sajith Premadasa’s ratings have increased gradually to match that. Whilst they are level pegging Ranil is far behind at 13%. Is this the reason why Ranil is getting his acolytes to propagate the idea that the best for the country is to extend his tenure by a referendum? He forced the postponement of Local Governments elections by refusing to release funds but he cannot do so for the presidential election for constitutional reasons. He is now looking for loopholes. Has he considered the distinct possibility that the referendum to extend the life of the presidency and the parliament if lost, would double the expenditure?
Unfortunately, this has been an exercise in futility and it would not be surprising if the next survey shows Ranil’s chances dropping even further! Perhaps, the best option available to Ranil is to retire gracefully, taking credit for steadying the economy and saving the country from an anarchic invasion of the parliament, rather than to leave politics in disgrace by coming third in the presidential election. Unless, of course, he is convinced that opinion polls do not matter and what matters is the ballots in the box!
Opinion
Thoughtfulness or mindfulness?
By Prof. Kirthi Tennakone
ktenna@yahoo.co.uk
Thoughtfulness is the quality of being conscious of issues that arise and considering action while seeking explanations. It facilitates finding solutions to problems and judging experiences.
Almost all human accomplishments are consequences of thoughtfulness.
Can you perform day-to-day work efficiently and effectively without being thoughtful? Obviously, no. Are there any major advancements attained without thought and contemplation? Not a single example!
Science and technology, art, music and literary compositions and religion stand conspicuously as products of thought.
Thought could have sinister motives and the only way to eliminate them is through thought itself. Thought could distinguish right from wrong.
Empathy, love, amusement, and expression of sorrow are reflections of thought.
Thought relieves worries by understanding or taking decisive action.
Despite the universal virtue of thoughtfulness, some advocate an idea termed mindfulness, claiming the benefits of nurturing this quality to shape mental wellbeing. The concept is defined as focusing attention to the present moment without judgment. A way of forgetting the worries and calming the mind – a form of meditation. A definition coined in the West to decouple the concept from religion. The attitude could have a temporary advantage as a method of softening negative feelings such as sorrow and anger. However, no man or woman can afford to be non-judgmental all the time. It is incompatible with indispensable thoughtfulness! What is the advantage of diverting attention to one thing without discernment during a few tens of minute’s meditation? The instructors of mindfulness meditation tell you to focus attention on trivial things. Whereas in thoughtfulness, you concentrate the mind on challenging issues. Sometimes arriving at groundbreaking scientific discoveries, solution of mathematical problems or the creation of masterpieces in engineering, art, or literature.
The concept of meditation and mindfulness originated in ancient India around 1000 BCE. Vedic ascetics believed the practice would lead to supernatural powers enabling disclosure of the truth. Failing to meet the said aspiration, notwithstanding so many stories in scripture, is discernable. Otherwise, the world would have been awakened to advancement by ancient Indians before the Greeks. The latter culture emphasized thoughtfulness!
In India, Buddha was the first to deviate from the Vedic philosophy. His teachers, Alara Kalama and Uddaka Ramaputra, were adherents of meditation. Unconvinced of their approach, Buddha concluded a thoughtful analysis of the actualities of life should be the path to realisation. However, in an environment dominated by Vedic tradition, meditation residually persisted when Buddha’s teachings transformed into a religion.
In the early 1970s, a few in the West picked up meditation and mindfulness. We Easterners, who criticize Western ideas all the time, got exalted after seeing something Eastern accepted in the Western circles. Thereafter, Easterners took up the subject more seriously, in the spirit of its definition in the West.
Today, mindfulness has become a marketable commodity – a thriving business spreading worldwide, fueled largely by advertising. There are practice centres, lessons onsite and online, and apps for purchase. Articles written by gurus of the field appear on the web.
What attracts people to mindfulness programmes? Many assume them being stressed and depressed needs to improve their mental capacity. In most instances, these are minor complaints and for understandable reasons, they do not seek mainstream medical interventions but go for exaggeratedly advertised alternatives. Mainstream medical treatments are based on rigorous science and spell out both the pros and cons of the procedure, avoiding overstatement. Whereas the alternative sector makes unsubstantiated claims about the efficacy and effectiveness of the treatment.
Advocates of mindfulness claim the benefits of their prescriptions have been proven scientifically. There are reports (mostly in open-access journals which charge a fee for publication) indicating that authors have found positive aspects of mindfulness or identified reasons correlating the efficacy of such activities. However, they rarely meet standards normally required for unequivocal acceptance. The gold standard of scientific scrutiny is the statistically significant reproducibility of claims.
If a mindfulness guru claims his prescription of meditation cures hypertension, he must record the blood pressure of participants before and after completion of the activity and show the blood pressure of a large percentage has stably dropped and repeat the experiment with different clients. He must also conduct sessions where he adopts another prescription (a placebo) under the same conditions and compares the results. This is not enough, he must request someone else to conduct sessions following his prescription, to rule out the influence of the personality of the instructor.
The laity unaware of the above rigid requirements, accede to purported claims of mindfulness proponents.
A few years ago, an article published and widely cited stated that the practice of mindfulness increases the gray matter density of the brain. A more recent study found there is no such correlation. Popular expositions on the subject do not refer to the latter report. Most mindfulness research published seems to have been conducted intending to prove the benefits of the practice. The hard science demands doing the opposite as well-experiments carried out intending to disprove the claims. You need to be skeptical until things are firmly established.
Despite many efforts diverted to disprove Einstein’s General Theory of Relativity, no contradictions have been found in vain to date, strengthening the validity of the theory. Regarding mindfulness, as it stands, benefits can neither be proved nor disproved, to the gold standard of scientific scrutiny.
Some schools in foreign lands have accommodated mindfulness training programs hoping to develop the mental facility of students and Sri Lanka plans to follow. However, studies also reveal these exercises are ineffective or do more harm than good. Have we investigated this issue before imitation?
Should we force our children to focus attention on one single goal without judgment, even for a moment?
Why not allow young minds to roam wild in their deepest imagination and build castles in the air and encourage them to turn these fantasies into realities by nurturing their thoughtfulness?
Be more thoughtful than mindful?