Features
DISASTER IN CHILE– Part II
By Jayantha Somasundaram
When Dr Salvador Allende was elected President of Chile in 1970 at the head of a coalition that included the Socialist and Communist Parties, and with a mandate to nationalise foreign capital, carry out land reform and implement sweeping welfare measures, his government was targeted by Washington and opposed by Chile’s business interests.
Once Allende took office in October 1970 the Chilean Establishment made their move, there was a run on the banks. Wealthy Chileans were taking their money and moving to Argentina. While Washington blocked loans to Chile the CIA financed the opposition, which organised strikes. Anaconda Copper was pressing for an embargo on Chile, according to Le Monde “in particular on spare parts indispensable for the functioning of North American mechanical equipment used in Chilean copper fields.” (17 March 1972).
Chile’s ruling classes, with the backing of Washington, sabotaged, undermined and crippled the economy, such that within two years inflation had hit record heights, essentials were in short supply and in October 1972 there began a ‘bosses strike’ which saw factories closed and transport of goods crippled.
As Allende said “we are being attacked both from without and within.” And confronting his Unidad Popular (UP) or Popular Unity Government was the question: how should the Government respond to, and overcome, the growing threat from the right? The Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria or MIR (Revolutionary Left Movement) which supported the UP but was not part of it, took a left position.
They wanted the UP to mobilise the workers in order to confront the right, overcome it, and move Chile towards socialism. MIR was already organising the peasants to take over farms and workers to take over factories. The Communist Party took a rightist position insisting that ‘things can be accomplished within the bounds of legality.’ Allende’s Socialist Party held the middle ground. The lack of a unified response to the political and economic crisis that was developing crippled the UP.
“President Allende,” said the New York Times in its editorial “has moved to resolve a severe crisis within his Popular Unity coalition in Chile by rejecting the radical counsel of his own Socialist Party and adopting a more conciliatory approach urged by the Communists.”(20 June 1972).
President Allende responded by inducting three senior military officers into his Cabinet. Army Commander General Carlos Parts as Minister of the Interior, Air Force General Claudio Sepulveda as Minister of Mining and Rear Admiral Ismail Huerta as Minister of Public Works and Transport.
Meanwhile right-wing paramilitary groups stepped up their efforts across Chile. In the face of spiralling inflation the Government imposed price controls. But shopkeepers resisted these controls and closed their establishments which the Government in turn tried to keep open by force. This led to violence, street protests and arrests breaking out on 21st August 1972.
TRUCK OWNERS’ STRIKE
Le Monde reported that “towards midnight groups of young people belonging to the extreme right Patria y Libertad (Fatherland and Liberty) came onto the streets of the capital, armed with clubs and iron bars and tried to block traffic. Shortly afterwards groups of women and girls from the residential areas gathered at corners beating rhythmically on pots and pans to protest against rising prices and the lack of consumer goods” (23 August). La Presa Brazil said that “groups of demonstrators built barricades in streets and lit bonfires to block traffic. Frenzied individuals tried to burn trolley buses in the middle of the street.” (23 August).
The extreme right had taken their battle to the streets and on the 25th the Minister of the Interior Jaime Suarez threatened to outlaw the Patria y Libertad and the Comando Rolando Matus of the National Party. The struggle for Chile had slipped from the parliamentary arena to the streets of Santiago.
One of the critical events in the unfolding Chilean Crisis was the nationwide truck owners’ strike which began on 10th October 1972. It resulted in shortages of essentials like fuel and flour and compelled the Government to declare martial law in those parts of the country where 70 per cent of the population lived. The protest was against the unwillingness of the Government to agree to higher cargo rates and the truck owners’ opposition to the establishment of a state trucking company in Chile’s south.
The truck owners campaign was “from the very beginning marked by highway barricades…and it has had spectacular effects: no more gas and therefore no more shipping of goods in a country where the railroad network is not very developed and where the highway, which stretches over 3,000km from north to south plays an economic role of the first order.
The scarcity of basic food products – milk, sugar, rice etc – has suddenly increased, and lines have appeared in front of bakeries as well as gas stations. The tactic being followed by the opposition is to spread this strike to the point where the entire country will be paralysed and the helplessness of the government demonstrated,” said Le Monde (18 October).
The strike spread. Two days later the small businessmen’s, retailers’, builders’, and large farmers’ associations came out in sympathy with the truck owners. “The current anti-Allende campaign was launched at the same time that the American-owned Kennecott Copper Company was opening up an offensive against sales of Chilean copper internationally,” wrote David Thorstad in Intercontinental Press (30 October)
By 1973 Chile was at breaking point. In the months that followed, with parliamentary elections due in March 1973, the escalating economic crisis developed into political polarisation. The UP won 43 percent of the votes while the opposition CODE (Confederacion Democratica) won 55 percent. “As a rule of thumb, political observers here said before the elections, anything less than 60 per cent would be considered a disappointing performance by the opposition,” wrote Everett Martin from Santiago for the Wall Street Journal (6 March)
“On the one hand, there is an insolent and very powerful bourgeoisie engaged in a full-scale political offensive in its desire to regain control of all power,” explained Intercontinental Press (26 March). “This bourgeoisie rather than being satisfied by the conciliatory attitude of the UP, demands more and more and prepares its leading cadres for dealing the final blow to the UP…facing it is a workers movement that has not suffered any defeat as a class, that is strong and determined…A situation of dual power prevails in Chilean society.”
In hindsight it appears that the stage was being set for the final showdown. After the election the three military representatives resigned from the cabinet. The fascist right intensified the mobilisation and preparedness of its ranks, as well as its support base. Patria y Libertad declared that “there is no political solution” for what ails Chile.
Their response was to instruct professionals in nationalised ventures to withhold information from the government, for businesses to retrench politically active workers, for ranchers to stockpile produce and for neighbours to spy on UP supporters. On a daily basis they brought secondary school students onto the streets to protest against the Government.
By May there were widespread street clashes, resulting even in deaths, between left and right groups.
MILITARY COUP D’ETAT
On June 27th there was a suspected attempt on the life of the Army Commander General Carlos Prats. Two days later rebel troops from the 2nd Armoured Regiment under Colonel Roberto Souper besieged the Presidential Palace in an attempted rebellion. They were met with fire from Carabineros (Police) on duty and within hours the revolt had ended. This indicated that polarisation was occurring within the armed forces itself. For example in the Navy only officers were being permitted to carry arms. Sailors as well as Navy yard workers were being arrested. And on August 27th the Navy Commander Admiral Montero resigned while the officer corps insisted on the right-wing Admiral Jose Merino replacing him.
On 7th September Air Force troops approached the Sumar textile plant which had been occupied by workers, but when shooting began civilians in the neighbourhood surrounded the factory and the troops withdrew.
Finally the long-anticipated military coup d’etat began on 11th September in Valparaiso – the main port and naval base – where in the early morning hours the Chilean Navy seized the city. On the first day around 3,000 prisoners, including navy personnel were imprisoned on warships at the base. Though the Navy took the lead, the conspiracy to overthrow President Allende and his UP Government included all three forces. The military junta was headed by General Augusto Pinochet who had been appointed Army Commander a fortnight before by President Allende.
At 7:15am the Chilean Military instructed the Carabineros on duty at the Palacio de La Moneda, the Presidential Palace in Santiago, to withdraw which they did. The Chilean Military thereafter surrounded, and mounted an attack on the Palace; while from the air, Air Force Hawker fighter jets strafed their President and his defenders.
“Chile is still haunted by the coup in 1973,” said the London Economist last week (2 September 2023). “Two things turned Allende into a martyr for democracy as well as a global icon for the left. One was the brutality of the coup and its aftermath. Pinochet’s junta murdered 2,130 people and tortured at least 30,000, many cruelly, according to investigations under later democratic governments.
“The second was Allende’s defiant final speech to the nation, broadcast from La Moneda at 9.10am. It lasted less than seven minutes, his voice calm and measured even amid shouting in the background. “I will not resign,” he declared. “I will repay the loyalty of the people with my life… Always remember that much sooner than later the great avenues along which free men pass to build a better society will once again be open.”
Still echoing across Latin America are his last words: I will always be next to you.
CHICAGO BOYS
“The images in grainy black and white are etched into history,” continues the Economist, “clouds of smoke billow from La Moneda, in the heart of Santiago …tanks patrol the surrounding streets as soldiers dragoon hundreds of civilian prisoners, hands on their heads. Salvador Allende, the elected Socialist president, in tweed jacket and tin helmet, brandishes a pistol in La Moneda.
By 2pm he would die…and the world would soon learn the name of General Augusto Pinochet, the leader of the violent coup against Allende, who would rule Chile as a dictator for the next 17 years. He was ruthless, turning his secret police into an instrument of state terror. Several rival generals died in mysterious circumstances.”
“Libraries were purged not just of Marxist authors but also of works by liberals such as J.K. Galbraith. Pinochet’s economic policy was another shock. Most Latin American armies believed in state-led industrialisation. But Pinochet was persuaded to hire the “Chicago boys”, a group of young technocrats trained at that city’s university under an exchange programme run by Chile’s Catholic University.
They were free-marketeers, disciples of Milton Friedman. They tore down tariff barriers and controls and privatised everything except the copper industry (the revenues of which went partly to the army). They made mistakes: a fixed and overvalued exchange rate and rampant insider lending by financial conglomerates crashed the economy in 1982.”
“He made history once again in 1998, when a Spanish judge issued an arrest warrant for the retired general while he was in London for medical treatment. The British government eventually sent him back to Chile, where he was charged and placed under house arrest for the disappearance and torture of political prisoners. This case was a milestone for the idea of universal jurisdiction for crimes against humanity.”
The military coup saw Neruda’s hopes for Chile destroyed. During a search of his house the poet responded “Look around – there’s only one thing of danger for you here – poetry.” He died mysteriously on 23 September.
by Dr Gotabhya Ranasinghe
Senior Consultant Cardiologist
National Hospital Sri Lanka
When we sought a meeting with Hon Dr. Ramesh Pathirana, Minister of Health, he graciously cleared his busy schedule to accommodate us. Renowned for his attentive listening and deep understanding, Minister Pathirana is dedicated to advancing the health sector. His openness and transparency exemplify the qualities of an exemplary politician and minister.
Dr. Palitha Mahipala, the current Health Secretary, demonstrates both commendable enthusiasm and unwavering support. This combination of attributes makes him a highly compatible colleague for the esteemed Minister of Health.
Our discussion centered on a project that has been in the works for the past 30 years, one that no other minister had managed to advance.
Minister Pathirana, however, recognized the project’s significance and its potential to revolutionize care for heart patients.
The project involves the construction of a state-of-the-art facility at the premises of the National Hospital Colombo. The project’s location within the premises of the National Hospital underscores its importance and relevance to the healthcare infrastructure of the nation.
This facility will include a cardiology building and a tertiary care center, equipped with the latest technology to handle and treat all types of heart-related conditions and surgeries.
Securing funding was a major milestone for this initiative. Minister Pathirana successfully obtained approval for a $40 billion loan from the Asian Development Bank. With the funding in place, the foundation stone is scheduled to be laid in September this year, and construction will begin in January 2025.
This project guarantees a consistent and uninterrupted supply of stents and related medications for heart patients. As a result, patients will have timely access to essential medical supplies during their treatment and recovery. By securing these critical resources, the project aims to enhance patient outcomes, minimize treatment delays, and maintain the highest standards of cardiac care.
Upon its fruition, this monumental building will serve as a beacon of hope and healing, symbolizing the unwavering dedication to improving patient outcomes and fostering a healthier society.We anticipate a future marked by significant progress and positive outcomes in Sri Lanka’s cardiovascular treatment landscape within the foreseeable timeframe.
by Fr. Emmanuel Fernando, OMI
Jesuit Fr. Aloysius Pieris (affectionately called Fr. Aloy) celebrated his 90th birthday on April 9, 2024 and I, as the editor of our Oblate Journal, THE MISSIONARY OBLATE had gone to press by that time. Immediately I decided to publish an article, appreciating the untiring selfless services he continues to offer for inter-Faith dialogue, the renewal of the Catholic Church, his concern for the poor and the suffering Sri Lankan masses and to me, the present writer.
It was in 1988, when I was appointed Director of the Oblate Scholastics at Ampitiya by the then Oblate Provincial Fr. Anselm Silva, that I came to know Fr. Aloy more closely. Knowing well his expertise in matters spiritual, theological, Indological and pastoral, and with the collaborative spirit of my companion-formators, our Oblate Scholastics were sent to Tulana, the Research and Encounter Centre, Kelaniya, of which he is the Founder-Director, for ‘exposure-programmes’ on matters spiritual, biblical, theological and pastoral. Some of these dimensions according to my view and that of my companion-formators, were not available at the National Seminary, Ampitiya.
Ever since that time, our Oblate formators/ accompaniers at the Oblate Scholasticate, Ampitiya , have continued to send our Oblate Scholastics to Tulana Centre for deepening their insights and convictions regarding matters needed to serve the people in today’s context. Fr. Aloy also had tried very enthusiastically with the Oblate team headed by Frs. Oswald Firth and Clement Waidyasekara to begin a Theologate, directed by the Religious Congregations in Sri Lanka, for the contextual formation/ accompaniment of their members. It should very well be a desired goal of the Leaders / Provincials of the Religious Congregations.
Besides being a formator/accompanier at the Oblate Scholasticate, I was entrusted also with the task of editing and publishing our Oblate journal, ‘The Missionary Oblate’. To maintain the quality of the journal I continue to depend on Fr. Aloy for his thought-provoking and stimulating articles on Biblical Spirituality, Biblical Theology and Ecclesiology. I am very grateful to him for his generous assistance. Of late, his writings on renewal of the Church, initiated by Pope St. John XX111 and continued by Pope Francis through the Synodal path, published in our Oblate journal, enable our readers to focus their attention also on the needed renewal in the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka. Fr. Aloy appreciated very much the Synodal path adopted by the Jesuit Pope Francis for the renewal of the Church, rooted very much on prayerful discernment. In my Religious and presbyteral life, Fr.Aloy continues to be my spiritual animator / guide and ongoing formator / acccompanier.
Fr. Aloysius Pieris, BA Hons (Lond), LPh (SHC, India), STL (PFT, Naples), PhD (SLU/VC), ThD (Tilburg), D.Ltt (KU), has been one of the eminent Asian theologians well recognized internationally and one who has lectured and held visiting chairs in many universities both in the West and in the East. Many members of Religious Congregations from Asian countries have benefited from his lectures and guidance in the East Asian Pastoral Institute (EAPI) in Manila, Philippines. He had been a Theologian consulted by the Federation of Asian Bishops’ Conferences for many years. During his professorship at the Gregorian University in Rome, he was called to be a member of a special group of advisers on other religions consulted by Pope Paul VI.
Fr. Aloy is the author of more than 30 books and well over 500 Research Papers. Some of his books and articles have been translated and published in several countries. Among those books, one can find the following: 1) The Genesis of an Asian Theology of Liberation (An Autobiographical Excursus on the Art of Theologising in Asia, 2) An Asian Theology of Liberation, 3) Providential Timeliness of Vatican 11 (a long-overdue halt to a scandalous millennium, 4) Give Vatican 11 a chance, 5) Leadership in the Church, 6) Relishing our faith in working for justice (Themes for study and discussion), 7) A Message meant mainly, not exclusively for Jesuits (Background information necessary for helping Francis renew the Church), 8) Lent in Lanka (Reflections and Resolutions, 9) Love meets wisdom (A Christian Experience of Buddhism, 10) Fire and Water 11) God’s Reign for God’s poor, 12) Our Unhiddden Agenda (How we Jesuits work, pray and form our men). He is also the Editor of two journals, Vagdevi, Journal of Religious Reflection and Dialogue, New Series.
Fr. Aloy has a BA in Pali and Sanskrit from the University of London and a Ph.D in Buddhist Philosophy from the University of Sri Lankan, Vidyodaya Campus. On Nov. 23, 2019, he was awarded the prestigious honorary Doctorate of Literature (D.Litt) by the Chancellor of the University of Kelaniya, the Most Venerable Welamitiyawe Dharmakirthi Sri Kusala Dhamma Thera.
Fr. Aloy continues to be a promoter of Gospel values and virtues. Justice as a constitutive dimension of love and social concern for the downtrodden masses are very much noted in his life and work. He had very much appreciated the commitment of the late Fr. Joseph (Joe) Fernando, the National Director of the Social and Economic Centre (SEDEC) for the poor.
In Sri Lanka, a few religious Congregations – the Good Shepherd Sisters, the Christian Brothers, the Marist Brothers and the Oblates – have invited him to animate their members especially during their Provincial Congresses, Chapters and International Conferences. The mainline Christian Churches also have sought his advice and followed his seminars. I, for one, regret very much, that the Sri Lankan authorities of the Catholic Church –today’s Hierarchy—- have not sought Fr.
Aloy’s expertise for the renewal of the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka and thus have not benefited from the immense store of wisdom and insight that he can offer to our local Church while the Sri Lankan bishops who governed the Catholic church in the immediate aftermath of the Second Vatican Council (Edmund Fernando OMI, Anthony de Saram, Leo Nanayakkara OSB, Frank Marcus Fernando, Paul Perera,) visited him and consulted him on many matters. Among the Tamil Bishops, Bishop Rayappu Joseph was keeping close contact with him and Bishop J. Deogupillai hosted him and his team visiting him after the horrible Black July massacre of Tamils.
Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement
By Gomi Senadhira
senadhiragomi@gmail.com
“You might tell fairy tales, but the progress of a country cannot be achieved through such narratives. A country cannot be developed by making false promises. The country moved backward because of the electoral promises made by political parties throughout time. We have witnessed that the ultimate result of this is the country becoming bankrupt. Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet.” – President Ranil Wickremesinghe, 2024 Budget speech
Any Sri Lankan would agree with the above words of President Wickremesinghe on the false promises our politicians and officials make and the fairy tales they narrate which bankrupted this country. So, to understand this, let’s look at one such fairy tale with lots of false promises; Ranil Wickremesinghe’s greatest achievement in the area of international trade and investment promotion during the Yahapalana period, Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement (SLSFTA).
It is appropriate and timely to do it now as Finance Minister Wickremesinghe has just presented to parliament a bill on the National Policy on Economic Transformation which includes the establishment of an Office for International Trade and the Sri Lanka Institute of Economics and International Trade.
Was SLSFTA a “Cleverly negotiated Free Trade Agreement” as stated by the (former) Minister of Development Strategies and International Trade Malik Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate on the SLSFTA in July 2018, or a colossal blunder covered up with lies, false promises, and fairy tales? After SLSFTA was signed there were a number of fairy tales published on this agreement by the Ministry of Development Strategies and International, Institute of Policy Studies, and others.
However, for this article, I would like to limit my comments to the speech by Minister Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate, and the two most important areas in the agreement which were covered up with lies, fairy tales, and false promises, namely: revenue loss for Sri Lanka and Investment from Singapore. On the other important area, “Waste products dumping” I do not want to comment here as I have written extensively on the issue.
1. The revenue loss
During the Parliamentary Debate in July 2018, Minister Samarawickrama stated “…. let me reiterate that this FTA with Singapore has been very cleverly negotiated by us…. The liberalisation programme under this FTA has been carefully designed to have the least impact on domestic industry and revenue collection. We have included all revenue sensitive items in the negative list of items which will not be subject to removal of tariff. Therefore, 97.8% revenue from Customs duty is protected. Our tariff liberalisation will take place over a period of 12-15 years! In fact, the revenue earned through tariffs on goods imported from Singapore last year was Rs. 35 billion.
The revenue loss for over the next 15 years due to the FTA is only Rs. 733 million– which when annualised, on average, is just Rs. 51 million. That is just 0.14% per year! So anyone who claims the Singapore FTA causes revenue loss to the Government cannot do basic arithmetic! Mr. Speaker, in conclusion, I call on my fellow members of this House – don’t mislead the public with baseless criticism that is not grounded in facts. Don’t look at petty politics and use these issues for your own political survival.”
I was surprised to read the minister’s speech because an article published in January 2018 in “The Straits Times“, based on information released by the Singaporean Negotiators stated, “…. With the FTA, tariff savings for Singapore exports are estimated to hit $10 million annually“.
As the annual tariff savings (that is the revenue loss for Sri Lanka) calculated by the Singaporean Negotiators, Singaporean $ 10 million (Sri Lankan rupees 1,200 million in 2018) was way above the rupees’ 733 million revenue loss for 15 years estimated by the Sri Lankan negotiators, it was clear to any observer that one of the parties to the agreement had not done the basic arithmetic!
Six years later, according to a report published by “The Morning” newspaper, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) on 7th May 2024, Mr Samarawickrama’s chief trade negotiator K.J. Weerasinghehad had admitted “…. that forecasted revenue loss for the Government of Sri Lanka through the Singapore FTA is Rs. 450 million in 2023 and Rs. 1.3 billion in 2024.”
If these numbers are correct, as tariff liberalisation under the SLSFTA has just started, we will pass Rs 2 billion very soon. Then, the question is how Sri Lanka’s trade negotiators made such a colossal blunder. Didn’t they do their basic arithmetic? If they didn’t know how to do basic arithmetic they should have at least done their basic readings. For example, the headline of the article published in The Straits Times in January 2018 was “Singapore, Sri Lanka sign FTA, annual savings of $10m expected”.
Anyway, as Sri Lanka’s chief negotiator reiterated at the COPF meeting that “…. since 99% of the tariffs in Singapore have zero rates of duty, Sri Lanka has agreed on 80% tariff liberalisation over a period of 15 years while expecting Singapore investments to address the imbalance in trade,” let’s turn towards investment.
Investment from Singapore
In July 2018, speaking during the Parliamentary Debate on the FTA this is what Minister Malik Samarawickrama stated on investment from Singapore, “Already, thanks to this FTA, in just the past two-and-a-half months since the agreement came into effect we have received a proposal from Singapore for investment amounting to $ 14.8 billion in an oil refinery for export of petroleum products. In addition, we have proposals for a steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million), sugar refinery ($ 200 million). This adds up to more than $ 16.05 billion in the pipeline on these projects alone.
And all of these projects will create thousands of more jobs for our people. In principle approval has already been granted by the BOI and the investors are awaiting the release of land the environmental approvals to commence the project.
I request the Opposition and those with vested interests to change their narrow-minded thinking and join us to develop our country. We must always look at what is best for the whole community, not just the few who may oppose. We owe it to our people to courageously take decisions that will change their lives for the better.”
According to the media report I quoted earlier, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) Chief Negotiator Weerasinghe has admitted that Sri Lanka was not happy with overall Singapore investments that have come in the past few years in return for the trade liberalisation under the Singapore-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement. He has added that between 2021 and 2023 the total investment from Singapore had been around $162 million!
What happened to those projects worth $16 billion negotiated, thanks to the SLSFTA, in just the two-and-a-half months after the agreement came into effect and approved by the BOI? I do not know about the steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million) and sugar refinery ($ 200 million).
However, story of the multibillion-dollar investment in the Petroleum Refinery unfolded in a manner that would qualify it as the best fairy tale with false promises presented by our politicians and the officials, prior to 2019 elections.
Though many Sri Lankans got to know, through the media which repeatedly highlighted a plethora of issues surrounding the project and the questionable credentials of the Singaporean investor, the construction work on the Mirrijiwela Oil Refinery along with the cement factory began on the24th of March 2019 with a bang and Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and his ministers along with the foreign and local dignitaries laid the foundation stones.
That was few months before the 2019 Presidential elections. Inaugurating the construction work Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe said the projects will create thousands of job opportunities in the area and surrounding districts.
The oil refinery, which was to be built over 200 acres of land, with the capacity to refine 200,000 barrels of crude oil per day, was to generate US$7 billion of exports and create 1,500 direct and 3,000 indirect jobs. The construction of the refinery was to be completed in 44 months. Four years later, in August 2023 the Cabinet of Ministers approved the proposal presented by President Ranil Wickremesinghe to cancel the agreement with the investors of the refinery as the project has not been implemented! Can they explain to the country how much money was wasted to produce that fairy tale?
It is obvious that the President, ministers, and officials had made huge blunders and had deliberately misled the public and the parliament on the revenue loss and potential investment from SLSFTA with fairy tales and false promises.
As the president himself said, a country cannot be developed by making false promises or with fairy tales and these false promises and fairy tales had bankrupted the country. “Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet”.
(The writer, a specialist and an activist on trade and development issues . )
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