Editorial
Breaking the ice
Dr. Harsha de Silva’s call for a dialogue between the president and the opposition about the foreign exchange crisis that the country is now mired in should resonate among both friend and foe alike. We quote him in our front page today rejecting claims that the situation is not as bad as it seems and calling for the dialogue “to better understand the problem and find a solution together as we are all in this together.” The people are very well aware of how bad the situation is; all that’s needed to find out is a visit to a grocery shop. Mr. Everyman and his wife find it very difficult to find milk powder and other essentials. Most vegetables are beyond reach of the common man. Cooking gas was a major problem until very recently. For how long uninterrupted power supplies will be possible because of the country’s inability to find the wherewithal to pay for the fuel necessary for thermal generation is anybody’s guess.
There was breaking news while this commentary was being written, that a dialogue had commenced on the initiative of TNA frontbencher MA Sumanthiran on how best the emerging situation can be met. Although no government heavy weights were present, three ruling party MPs heading parliamentary watchdog committees were there. It had been intensively speculated that the recent prorogation of parliament was a ruse to get rid of these independent chairmen, Professors Charitha Herath and Tissa Vitarana and Mr. Anura Priyadarshana Yapa. But this was belied by their reappointment last week. Happily former speaker, Karu Jayasuriya, now heading late Ven. Sobhitha’s National Movement for Social Justice, had also been invited for the meeting. It had been attended by TNA MPs Sampanthan, Sumanthiran and Rasamanikam, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa, Dr. Harsha de Silva, Eran Wickremaratne, Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, Messers Rauf Hakeem and Mano Ganesan.
Although this was no dialogue between the president and opposition as called for by Dr. Harsha de Silva, this is undoubtedly a great leap forward. The ice has been broken and it is to be hoped that senior members of the government would also join the discussion down the road. The participants are educated and senior and not tub thumpers like too many in the political spectrum. A degree of consensus seem to have been reached on doing the needful without compromising the poor. Hopefully there will be early forward movement on what has been achieved with all parties acting in the national interest rather than on a petty political basis. This is what the country desperately needs at the present time.
Regular columnist Uditha Devapriya says today that a checklist presented by Minister Udaya Gammanpila, leader of the Pivithuru Hela Urumaya which is a constituent of the ruling Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), “seems to make sense”. This calls for accepting that there is an issue, identifying it, understanding it, revealing the truth to the people and leading by example by making sacrifices. There have been some differences within the government on whether the issue is as serious as made out though the scarcity of foreign exchange to pay for the country’s essential imports has been identified as the crux of the problem. Whether all shades of opinion within the government (and perhaps the opposition) have totally understood what the issue is all about may be doubtful. As for revealing the (whole) truth to the people, that has certainly not being forthcoming. And leading by example and making sacrifices, our politicians of all complexions are not famous for that.
Whether the government and opposition can arrive at a consensus on how the foreign exchange crisis can be met head on, particularly with a moratorium on the two sides not reaching for each other’s jugulars over obviously unpopular decisions that must necessarily be taken, is yet doubtful. The opposition extracting optimum mileage from the woes of the people has always been how the political game has been played in this country. But it must be admitted that what we are facing today is probably the worst economic crisis, compounded by Covid-19, in our contemporary history. The only fix, and not just the quick fix, that can address the forex crisis is setting the right price for the dollar through the interplay of market forces as lucidly explained by economist Romesh Dias Bandaranaike in this page last week. But whether that will be done and whether the opposition will let the government pour bitter medicine down the country’s throat is yet an open question.
In the midst of the existentialist woes of the people, particularly the poor, election talk has now entered the political space. It is not talk about provincial council elections as before because those elections cannot be held under the existing legal regime. The focus is now on local elections with terms of local bodies already extended by an year. Is a moratorium on elections going to be part of the big picture if there is bipartisan progress on doing the needful with regard to the critical economic front?
Saturday 8th June, 2024
It was with shock and dismay that we received the news about death threats to COPF (Committee on Public Finance) Chairman Dr. Harsha de Silva over the ongoing parliamentary probe into the on-arrival visa scam. Dr. de Silva yesterday told Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, in Parliament, that he was facing death threats and intimidation, and it was incumbent upon Parliament to ensure his safety. He stopped short of naming names, but revealed that some ruling party MPs were among those who had ganged up against him. The Speaker only said there had been no complaint, and he would look into the matter.
The SLPP-UNP government has been doing everything in its power to have all parliamentary committees under its thumb. The COPE (Committee on Public Enterprises), which once helped restore public faith in the legislature by exposing state sector corruption, has now become a mere appendage of the incumbent regime, thanks to the appointment of SLPP MP Rohitha Abeygunawardena as its Chairman. The SLPP-UNP combine also tried to oust COPF Chairman Dr. de Silva, but in vain. However, it knows more than one way to shoe a horse.
The COPF, under Dr. de Silva’s chairmanship, has been a thorn in the side of the government, which is struggling to cover up numerous corrupt deals. Dr. de Silva yesterday told Parliament that he found it extremely difficult to function as the COPF head due to severe resource constraints his committee was facing; he himself had to pay the salaries of some of his staff members besides burning the midnight oil.
The sheer workload he had to cope with as the COPF chief had taken its toll on his health, he said, informing the Speaker that he was at the end of his tether, and at times thought of resigning from the COPF. This is exactly what the government wants him to do; resource squeezes and threats are aimed at making him quit.
On 26 May, Dr. de Silva revealed, in an ‘X’ post, that the COPF had uncovered some vital information about the visa scam and it would reveal everything after its final meeting on the issue; the COPF was committed to exposing the truth behind the controversial tender, he added. In an editorial comment on 27 May, we warned him.
While thanking him for his bold stand, we pointed out that by making such a statement, he had thrown caution to the wind, and become a marked target, with the government making an all-out effort to delay the COPF investigation lest the truth should come out much to the detriment of its interests in this election year. Unfortunately, what was feared has come about; Dr. de Silva is complaining of death threats and government moves to strangulate the COPF financially to derail its investigations.
Dr. de Silva’s predicament exemplifies the fate that befalls the few good men and women in Parliament. It is hoped that all those who seek an end to the state sector corruption will rally behind Dr. de Silva, and bring pressure to bear on the government to ensure his safety. Let Dr. de Silva be urged to reveal the names of those who have issued threats, veiled or otherwise, to him and are trying to scuttle the COPF probes.
Friday 7th June, 2024
The SLPP-UNP government is going hell for leather to make bad laws as if there were no tomorrow. It is abusing its parliamentary majority, which has been retained with the help of some crossovers, for that purpose. The Opposition, the media and trade unions are up in arms, and understandably so. The incumbent regime is a dead man walking; it is so desperate that it is capable of anything. Hence the need for it to be restrained.
The Electricity (Amendment) Bill (EAB) plunged Parliament into turmoil yesterday, but the government secured its passage. The Supreme Court (SC) determined the entire EAB inconsistent with the Constitution and recommended changes thereto. After unveiling the Bill, sometime ago, Minister of Power and Energy Kanchana Wijesekera hailed it as an excellent piece of legislation aimed at straightening up the power sector to serve the public interest better.
The SC determination left him with egg on his face. He reminded us of the proverbial curate who, while eating a stale egg, assured his host, a Bishop, that parts of it were excellent. Wijesekera’s egg, as it were, made Parliament stink yesterday, but he sought to please his masters by praising it as a silver bullet.
EAB should have been discarded and a new one drafted in consultation with all stakeholders. But the government is apparently driven by an ulterior motive; its aim is not to serve Sri Lanka’s interests but to look after those of some moneybags.
It is not uncommon for Bills to contain some flaws, which are rectified either before or during the committee stage. But there is something terribly wrong with draft Bills that are full of sections inconsistent with the Constitution. The drafters of EAB have demonstrated their sheer ignorance of the supreme law, and that they are not equal to the task of drafting Bills. If they had read the Constitution at least perfunctorily, they would not have drafted such a bad law.
Ignorant and incompetent, they do not deserve to be paid with public funds and must be sent back to law school. They must be summoned before Parliament and questioned on their serious lapses, which have caused public faith in the national legislature to diminish.
Curiously, the MPs who demand that judges, doctors, Central Bankers, and other public officials be summoned before Parliament have taken badly drafted Bills for granted. The power sector trade unions yesterday alleged that EAB was of Indian origin and geared towards furthering the interests of Adani Group at the expense of Sri Lanka.
Most critics of EAB are agreeable in principle to the need for power sector reforms; the Ceylon Electricity Board should be given a radical shake-up, and transformed into a modern organisation capable of providing a better service at a lower cost. They only asked the government to tread cautiously, consulting all stakeholders and taking action to ensure that the country’s interests prevailed over everything else. But the government was in a mighty hurry to steamroller the Bill through Parliament, making the Opposition ask whether it was doing so at the behest of some external forces involved in controversial power generation deals here.
What is passed by the current Parliament can be either amended or abolished by a future parliament in a constitutionally prescribed manner. But that does not mean that a government is free to pass bad laws, making the country enter into long-term agreements with powerful nations and their investors. It looks as if the SLPP-UNP regime did not care two hoots about the consequences of its actions.
Thursday 6th June, 2024
The outcome of India’s parliamentary election (2024) has led to a ‘perspective ambiguity’. Prime Minister Narendra Modi lost no time in declaring victory for the BJP-led NDA alliance, which secured 293 seats in the 543-member Parliament, but he must be a worried man. The BJP is short of 32 seats to form a government under its own steam; it has lost 63 seats or about 20% of its parliamentary strength. It had 303 seats in the previous Parliament, and that number has dropped to 240.
Modi has become the second Indian Prime Minister to win a third term. The first PM to do so was Jawaharlal Nehru. But Nehru won an outright majority in Parliament in 1962; Modi has had to depend on smaller parties in his alliance to retain his hold on power. Modi must be reeling from a sharp drop in his victory margin in his own constituency, Varanasi; it has decreased to 152,000 from 480,000 in 2019 whereas Modi’s bete noire, Rahul Gandhi, won Raebareli by a staggering 390,000 votes.
Modi, who reigned supreme with 303 seats in the previous Parliament, is now dependent on parties such as Nitish Kumar’s JD-U and Chandrababu Naidu’s TDP to form a government. He has had to lead an alliance of strange bedfellows. Both Kumar and Naidu were bitter critics of Modi. Kumar helped form the oppositional alliance, the INDIA bloc, before switching his allegiance to PM Modi. Naidu also closed ranks with the BJP in the run-up to the election. These politicians have been described as extremely ambitious and highly unpredictable, and whether Modi will be able to manage them and consolidate his grip on the NDA alliance remains to be seen. They will demand plum ministerial posts in return for their support. The TDP is said to be eyeing Transport and Health portfolios! That is the name of the game in coalition politics, where it is not uncommon for the tail to wag the dog, so to speak. These two political leaders are however not the only problem Modi will have to contend with. The next five years will feel like an eternity for PM Modi.
Nothing would have been more shocking for the BJP than its defeat in Uttar Pradesh’s Faizabad constituency, where the Ram Mandir has been built. Modi may have thought he would be able to win the Lok Sabha election hands down after the consecration of that temple, which became a centrepiece of the BJP’s election campaign. The BJP lost that seat to the Samajwadi Party! Modi must be disappointed that the Ram Mandir hype failed to trigger a massive wave of support for his party. This particular defeat signifies a massive setback for the BJP’s ethno-religious agenda.
Modi’s divisive election campaign failed to yield the desired result. The BJP’s failure to secure an outright majority could be attributed to a host of factors, some of them being the suppression of the Opposition, the arrogance of power, chronic unemployment, and the rising cost of living. The BJP also did not care to reimage itself in a positive light to attract the youth.
Modi will hereafter see the Congress-led INDIA bloc with 223 seats, in his rearview mirror. The Congress (99 seats) and its allies have eaten into the BJP support base considerably, but they have a long way to go before being able to capture power.
The bumpy ride ahead for the BJP-led coalition government to be formed may improve the INDIA bloc’s chances of bettering their electoral performance and turning the tables on the BJP and its allies in time to come. Modi will have a lot to worry about in his third term.
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