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Biden admn. begins on reconciliatory note

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It would be highly premature for political observers the world over to conclude that the US is entering a spell of comparative calm after four stormy years of the Trump presidency but the indications are strong that ethnic reconciliation would be high on the incoming Biden administration’s priority list. One pointer to this is the considerable number of persons from the US’ ethnic minorities who have been picked to occupy key positions in the administration.

A news report carried on page 3 of this newspaper on January 19 provided details of the considerable number of personnel from the Indian-American community, for example, who are billed to fill crucial positions in the Biden administration. Among these prominent persons of Asian origin is Lankan-American Rohini Kosoglu, who is expected to take up the position of Domestic Policy Advisor to the US Vice President Kamala Harris, who is herself partly of Indian origin.

Cynics are likely to dismiss these appointments as having only symbolic importance but symbols are of considerable significance in plural societies where ethnic, religious and language divisions are made to matter much by populist politicians with a coveting eye on the vote of majority communities. That is, politicians of a communal and ultra-nationalistic bent. Needless to say, former US President Donald Trump was one such.

It would be incumbent on the Biden administration to make that crucial transition from symbol to reality in the days ahead and make ethnic reconciliation work vibrantly in the US. However, there is no denying that the appointments in question would have a highly re-assuring impact on the US’ minority communities and help in convincing them that their legitimate interests are being looked after by the state.

During the Trump years the idea of America as a welcoming and accommodating home for people from all over the world came under devastating attack. This was mainly on account of Trump’s ‘America First’ slogan, and Americans, for his administration, comprised of mainly whites. With the advent of President Joe Biden the opportunity has presented itself for the US to re-orient its future course and emerge as a flourishing nucleus of democratic pluralism. The hope of the democratic world is likely to be that the US would re-make itself on these lines sooner rather than later.

The possible re-assuring impact on ethnic minorities from a governmental policy of picking persons from ethnic minorities for key state positions could be seen in no less a country than India; South Asia’s most successful democracy. In the latter, the position of state President is usually reserved for a key person from a minority community. Sure enough, India has not seen an end to ethnic and religious tensions, for instance, but the fact that the President of India is from a minority community has the effect of strengthening India’s democratic credentials.

Sri Lanka, which is reportedly preparing to undertake a new round of Constitution-making, needs to take cognizance of these ways of creating a genuine democracy. If not, she will be left with only a few trappings of democracy to show.

Apart from the potential they have to promote ethnic reconciliation, the appointments in question help to carry the strong message that the US would remain a staunch ally of India. Biden strongly hinted at this foreign policy dimension recently when he was quoted saying that, ‘As President, I’ll also continue to rely on the Indian-American diaspora, that keeps our two nations together, as I have throughout my career.’

The US-India partnership has been in the making over the past two decades, but the Biden victory carries the possibility of further cementing this tie. From both the US’ and India’s viewpoints this tie is of the first importance in the external relations sphere on account of the threat posed to their global influence and power by China. The US and India are brought strongly together through their mutual interest in containing China’s influence.

Small states in South Asia, such as Sri Lanka, gain smug satisfaction from the fact that they could always fall back on China in the event of their relations with the US and India turning sour. This amounts to living in a fool’s paradise. China will never go to blows with the US or India over Sri Lanka, for instance. This is because China has very high stakes ties with both major powers. It wouldn’t compromise these interests for Sri Lanka’s sake. The latter would do well to ensure that it does not burn its boats with India in particular.

It does not follow from the foregoing that the world is on the threshold of what could be called ‘an era of perfect peace’, with President Biden emerging as a peace dove of the first degree. This would amount to nurturing a great illusion. A Biden administration’s strategic and economic aims, for instance, would be essentially similar to those of the Trump administration. For example, the policy on Israel would remain and the fight against ‘global terrorism’ would continue. However, peace-making in the Middle East will likely be taken several notches higher with fresh peace overtures being made towards Iran.

Moreover, the instruments of influence-wielding globally in the hands of the Biden administration would be notably economic in nature. There would be a marked emphasis on development cooperation and assistance with USAID, for example, expected to play a greater role in furthering the US’ foreign policy aims. Former US Permanent Representative to the UN Samantha Power, who is expected to make a come-back under Biden as Administrator of USAID, was quoted as saying by sections of the local press that, ‘Humanitarian support, democracy assistance and economic development; those are not nice to have in our foreign policy toolbox. They are critical if we are to see a more stable and just world exist.’

These policy directions are bound to pose unprecedented challenges for the global South in particular. Poverty which is on the rise the world over amid the pandemic would compel the South to strengthen cooperative ties with the foremost powers. Development assistance would emerge as a predominant need. The challenge would be to accept material help without strengthening neo-colonial binds. Negotiating skills and intellectual acuity would emerge as prime needs for the South.

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