Opinion
All in the family: Growth and the IMF
By Gamini Seneviratne
(This article was first published in The Island in 2001. It is reproduced, today, given its relevance to the present situation.)
That heading should not be taken to refer to the political micro-families in this and other parts of the world, although within the IMF’s grand design, such ‘families’ do matter. ‘The IMF’ here refers to the entire complex of global predators which it orchestrates.
For those who can laugh at larceny on a grand scale, the growth of such post-regnal family-trees of a much lower order in South Asia is a bit of a joke. From the Bhuttos et al in the west, the Ranas in the north, the Zias et al in the east, the lesser Gandhis, from chemicals, dams, power plants, etc., in the centre, to cement, steel, airlines, ports, arms, peace deals and so on in the south, the tale of treason has many twists to it. The main strand of the rope that binds them all together is provided by the IMF and its relatively poor relative, the World Bank and, its associate banks which do some of the dirty work for it. What matters to us is that the rope is being used to throttle the people in our countries.
It is a pity that Dr. Kumari Jayawardena did not extend her researches to cover those who have become “somebodies” – ugly word – overnight in the past few years, because such an account could not fail to illustrate vividly what is being said here.
The following lines from an old Rugby Song encapsulate the nexus between the IMF/WB, MNCs, and the military power of the west. The money they roll in is from us, but it cannot be extracted without the help of corrupt Presidents, Prime Ministers, other, self-confessed military rulers and their henchmen.
My father manufactures
French Letters,
My sister makes holes with a pin.
My uncle arranges abortions,
My god, how the money rolls in,
rolls in,
My god how the money rolls in!
How does the IMF set about putting into force its programme for destabilising the socio-economic foundation of our people and their manner of living? Dr. Nadeem Ul Haque, the IMF boss in this country and the effective decision maker, (regardless of the World Bank man styling himself ‘Country Manager’), for the apology of a government that has foisted itself on us, has spelt it out in an address to the National Chamber of Exporters last week [The Island, 26th December, 2000].
I have reason to believe that Dr. Haque is a civilized person, and these comments are not directed personally at him. As a South Asian and a national of Pakistan, which we have long regarded as a friend, I have no doubt that he would be ready to be as accommodating towards us as Washington is prepared to permit him to be. It may be taken as read, though, that he has no such leeway. Willy-nilly he is part of the system of extraction globally.
In his talk, Dr. Haque has obviously been conscious that his audience had somewhat limited interests and he has addressed those as any good speaker should do. However, he has, en passant, touched on more vital matters. I comment on those.
They relate to “governance”, trade unions, and “smallness”. Also “imagination”, which is the distinguishing marker of such self-serving constructs as “economic efficiency” which the larger family of the imperial pillagers continues to present to our astonished gaze.
Let us take the matter of “smallness”. Dr. Haque had told our imaginative and hopeful exporters that it has to do with the size of a country or of its population. He has said that small countries must have small governments or government agencies. What he has not said is that they should have small cabinets of ministers: when he refers to the cost of ‘governance’ he has in mind the public services.
What he means is that governments should be put out of business, except in the matter of using its clout to remove “subsidies” on, say, public health, farming, education and the administration of the law and to deliver “incentives” to the oh so efficient! “private sector”.
What Dr. Haque has taken off on is the antipathy of would-be monopolists to “big government”, which means a system of regulation of economic activity in the public interest. The desired end of “reform” is that “big business” is favoured at the cost of the social responsibilities of the institutions that have been set up by the people to act in their behalf.
The IMF has no word at all about “big business” and what one might call, if one were in an especially benign mood this season, its inefficiencies. In fact, you’d have to be pretty sozzled and non compos mentis to buy that shoddy and very private ‘good’.
The cynical exploitation of the consumer by big business following the ‘privatization’, which the IMF has the temerity to come over here and advocate to us yakkos, has long been known in the USA and, more recently, in the UK.
How have those societies dealt with this abomination? In the USA, the remissness of any private centre for medical care or any primary or secondary educational institution [yes, parents do tend to lose interest after their ‘kids’ reach a certain age] could lead to demands for ‘compensation’ in often hefty monetary terms. Lawyers grow rich and enter the league of the ‘big businessman’. So is it with their public services, such as private transport. The internal airlines, all private, in the USA have the worst safety record anywhere in the world. Not to mention the inconvenience they subject their customers to, the baggage they ‘lose’ or the lousy food they serve. Such little things make for an increase in ‘profit’ which, after all, is all that private business is about.
In the UK, we have had quite recently, graphic examples of the outcome of Big Business taking over from Big Government. To give a current example, the common people of that country are crying out for the re-nationalisation of the rail system. Cost-cutting has resulted in the neglect of essential safety procedures and led to horrible accidents. ‘The IMF’ would no doubt point to ‘the bottom line’ on a ledger as proof of the efficiency of private management of that mode of public transport.
And it is not only in those countries, but everywhere, including ‘small’ Sri Lanka, that we have had mass resistance to GMO foods that are being peddled by MNCs, whom it is the IMF’s mandate to support.
And, predictably, we have here the IMF demanding that the government “sheds” itself of its responsibilities by the people. Dr. Haque [I am sorry that I have to keep on referring to him by name, but it is a relatively common name, such as is mine here, and am sure that his namesake, the late Dr. Mahbub Ul Haq, would not have taken offence], asserts that in most “advanced countries” [big] business would consider the need to conform to national laws “a waste”, presumably, of time – and profit. Sure, sure, in the most “advanced” of those countries, [big] business has all the necessary short-cuts to profit opened through ‘lobbyists’, most of them former senators, congressmen or other high officials in the aforementioned ‘big government’
We have Dr. Haque talking about a “labour aristocracy”. Maybe some such phenomenon exists in Australia. We do know however how the labour unions have been manipulated in the USA; for example, the lumber workers have been ‘employed’ to provide a rationale for the continued felling of the old growth forest of over a thousand years of age in Washington and Oregon. The identical motivation occurred when port workers in New York and New Orleans were paid to shove wheat that had been paid for into the sea rather than ship it to you-know-who. In the USA, when the term ‘labour aristocracy’ does acquire meaning, its members are being employed right now to shut out imports of manufactures from the third world. This is in the teeth of the agreements which the USA herself thrust down our throats via the WTO. If the IMF is looking for ‘governance’ it should look to such acts that promote ‘economic efficiency’.
The attempts to emasculate trade unions is a part of that ploy. Here we have the USA arguing strenuously against “low-cost labour” from Asia that compromises the livelihoods of its citizens. And here we have the IMF urging our governments to destroy a supposed “labour aristocracy”. Our organized working class has, largely through the dictates of the IMF, endorsed by servile governments compounded by the actions of an incompetent and utterly corrupt administration [which the IMF has done nothing to bring down – as they cannot until a suitably subservient alternative is found/built up], been compelled to survive a budget that has reduced their own to a shoe-string on one shoe. How would they respond? What, if any, more attacks on them does the IMF have to offer them?
Dr. Haque has also spoken about ‘pampering constituencies’. His, i.e. the IMF’s, gripe is about the ‘constituencies’ that are of no use to them, – in fact, those which get in the way of the larger and the lesser ‘families’ mentioned above. What the IMF has directed its ‘reforms’ towards is the pampering of big business. In South Asia, as elsewhere, the incumbent claimants to state power are the instrument through whom the IMF family operates. The less representative they are of the people, and the more securely armed against the people they are, the better.
The term “reform” should raise hackles, especially among South Asians. We have had so much of it. In this country we had the “Colebrook-Cameron Reforms” a hundred and sixty-seven years ago. They were designed to break down the traditional socio-economic foundations of this country and to use those elements in it which would give, not ‘cheap’ but costless labour for their marauders. The use of that term by the IMF has no connotations other than those of a century and a half ago. Except that the ‘stakes’, as in the betting game, are much higher now.
The primary question that Dr. Haque has raised is “Why has South Asia not grown?” He has also spoken of Singapore et al having looked to us for guidance on “agendas” that we in South Asia, Sri Lanka in particular, had initiated. His thesis is that the winner is the one who crosses the line, – not the one who’s fastest off the mark. It is not possible to countenance such convoluted logic. We have had loads of ‘theory’ on how various countries that were targeted by big business have responded to the ‘windows of opportunity’ that were advanced in the language of the camel seeking refuge. East Asia is held to have ‘developed’ on the rails of a ‘Confucian ethic’ [a matter that I was quizzed on at a ‘brown-bag’ seminar at Cornell ten years ago, long before I was aware of any family connection with that institution]. Does the IMF [or Dr. Haque] have a corresponding culture-based theory about India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka? – a Hindu / Islamic rate of growth, a Christian rate of profligacy, a Theravada level of tolerance and a Mahayana mode of mayhem together bringing about a Buddhist condition of stagnation?
And, finally, lest we forget, a South Asian scale of corruption?
Dr. Haque has spoken of the need to indoctrinate our children towards supporting the education ‘reforms’ that he advocates. Perhaps, he should take some time out to read “The Pearl of Great Price”, the Lalith Athulathmudali memorial oration delivered by the Vice Chancellor of the University of Colombo, Prof. Savithri Goonesekera. The agenda that we set ourselves fifty years ago resulted in a relatively high growth in the life chances of our people. It was precisely the kind of growth that the great family that the IMF speaks for, cannot abide. And that is why those gains have been eroded through ‘market reforms’. The agenda for the control of resources globally is impeded by manifestations of self-sufficiency anywhere. The substance of Dr. Haque’s complaint is that South Asia has not “grown” in the directions desired by transnational capital. With the goals we set ourselves, the money cannot roll in.
by Dr B.J.C.Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paed), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin),
FRCP(Lon), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
Joint Editor, Sri Lanka Journal of Child Health
In an age of unprecedented global development, technological advancements, universal connectivity, and improvements in living standards in many areas of the world, it is a very dark irony that child food poverty remains a pressing issue. UNICEF defines child food poverty as children’s inability to access and consume a nutritious and diverse diet in early childhood. Despite the planet Earth’s undisputed capacity to produce enough food to nourish everyone, millions of children still go hungry each day. We desperately need to explore the multifaceted deleterious effects of child food poverty, on physical health, cognitive development, emotional well-being, and societal impacts and then try to formulate a road map to alleviate its deleterious effects.
Every day, right across the world, millions of parents and families are struggling to provide nutritious and diverse foods that young children desperately need to reach their full potential. Growing inequities, conflict, and climate crises, combined with rising food prices, the overabundance of unhealthy foods, harmful food marketing strategies and poor child-feeding practices, are condemning millions of children to child food poverty.
In a communique dated 06th June 2024, UNICEF reports that globally, 1 in 4 children; approximately 181 million under the age of five, live in severe child food poverty, defined as consuming at most, two of eight food groups in early childhood. These children are up to 50 per cent more likely to suffer from life-threatening malnutrition. Child Food Poverty: Nutrition Deprivation in Early Childhood – the third issue of UNICEF’s flagship Child Nutrition Report – highlights that millions of young children are unable to access and consume the nutritious and diverse diets that are essential for their growth and development in early childhood and beyond.
It is highlighted in the report that four out of five children experiencing severe child food poverty are fed only breastmilk or just some other milk and/or a starchy staple, such as maize, rice or wheat. Less than 10 per cent of these children are fed fruits and vegetables and less than 5 per cent are fed nutrient-dense foods such as eggs, fish, poultry, or meat. These are horrendous statistics that should pull at the heartstrings of the discerning populace of this world.
The report also identifies the drivers of child food poverty. Strikingly, though 46 per cent of all cases of severe child food poverty are among poor households where income poverty is likely to be a major driver, 54 per cent live in relatively wealthier households, among whom poor food environments and feeding practices are the main drivers of food poverty in early childhood.
One of the most immediate and visible effects of child food poverty is its detrimental impact on physical health. Malnutrition, which can result from both insufficient calorie intake and lack of essential nutrients, is a prevalent consequence. Chronic undernourishment during formative years leads to stunted growth, weakened immune systems, and increased susceptibility to infections and diseases. Children who do not receive adequate nutrition are more likely to suffer from conditions such as anaemia, rickets, and developmental delays.
Moreover, the lack of proper nutrition can have long-term health consequences. Malnourished children are at a higher risk of developing chronic illnesses such as heart disease, diabetes, and obesity later in life. The paradox of child food poverty is that it can lead to both undernutrition and overnutrition, with children in food-insecure households often consuming calorie-dense but nutrient-poor foods due to economic constraints. This dietary pattern increases the risk of obesity, creating a vicious cycle of poor health outcomes.
The impacts of child food poverty extend beyond physical health, severely affecting cognitive development and educational attainment. Adequate nutrition is crucial for brain development, particularly in the early years of life. Malnutrition can impair cognitive functions such as attention, memory, and problem-solving skills. Studies have consistently shown that malnourished children perform worse academically compared to their well-nourished peers. Inadequate nutrition during early childhood can lead to reduced school readiness and lower IQ scores. These children often struggle to concentrate in school, miss more days due to illness, and have lower overall academic performance. This educational disadvantage perpetuates the cycle of poverty, as lower educational attainment reduces future employment opportunities and earning potential.
The emotional and psychological effects of child food poverty are profound and are often overlooked. Food insecurity creates a constant state of stress and anxiety for both children and their families. The uncertainty of not knowing when or where the next meal will come from can lead to feelings of helplessness and despair. Children in food-insecure households are more likely to experience behavioural problems, including hyperactivity, aggression, and withdrawal. The stigma associated with poverty and hunger can further exacerbate these emotional challenges. Children who experience food poverty may feel shame and embarrassment, leading to social isolation and reduced self-esteem. This psychological toll can have lasting effects, contributing to mental health issues such as depression and anxiety in adolescence and adulthood.
Child food poverty also perpetuates cycles of poverty and inequality. Children who grow up in food-insecure households are more likely to remain in poverty as adults, continuing the intergenerational transmission of disadvantage. This cycle of poverty exacerbates social disparities, contributing to increased crime rates, reduced social cohesion, and greater reliance on social welfare programmes. The repercussions of child food poverty ripple through society, creating economic and social challenges that affect everyone. The healthcare costs associated with treating malnutrition-related illnesses and chronic diseases are substantial. Additionally, the educational deficits linked to child food poverty result in a less skilled workforce, which hampers economic growth and productivity.
Addressing child food poverty requires a multi-faceted approach that tackles both immediate needs and underlying causes. Policy interventions are crucial in ensuring that all children have access to adequate nutrition. This can include expanding social safety nets, such as food assistance programmes and school meal initiatives, as well as targeted manoeuvres to reach more vulnerable families. Ensuring that these programmes are adequately funded and effectively implemented is essential for their success.
In addition to direct food assistance, broader economic and social policies are needed to address the root causes of poverty. This includes efforts to increase household incomes through living wage policies, job training programs, and economic development initiatives. Supporting families with affordable childcare, healthcare, and housing can also alleviate some of the financial pressures that contribute to food insecurity.
Community-based initiatives play a vital role in combating child food poverty. Local food banks, community gardens, and nutrition education programmes can help provide immediate relief and promote long-term food security. Collaborative efforts between government, non-profits, and the private sector are necessary to create sustainable solutions.
Child food poverty is a profound and inescapable issue with far-reaching consequences. Its deleterious effects on physical health, cognitive development, emotional well-being, and societal stability underscore the urgent need for comprehensive action. As we strive for a more equitable and just world, addressing child food poverty must be a priority. By ensuring that all children have access to adequate nutrition, we can lay the foundation for a healthier, more prosperous future for individuals and society as a whole. The fight against child food poverty is not just a moral imperative but an investment in our collective future. Healthy, well-nourished children are more likely to grow into productive, contributing members of society. The benefits of addressing this issue extend beyond individual well-being, enhancing economic stability and social harmony. It is incumbent upon us all to recognize and act upon the understanding that every child deserves the right to adequate nutrition and the opportunity to thrive.
Despite all of these existent challenges, it is very definitely possible to end child food poverty. The world needs targeted interventions to transform food, health, and social protection systems, and also take steps to strengthen data systems to track progress in reducing child food poverty. All these manoeuvres must comprise a concerted effort towards making nutritious and diverse diets accessible and affordable to all. We need to call for child food poverty reduction to be recognized as a metric of success towards achieving global and national nutrition and development goals.
Material from UNICEF reports and AI assistance are acknowledged.
By Dr Upul Wijayawardhana
The colossal failure of not a single opinion poll predicting accurately the result of the Indian parliamentary election, the greatest exercise in democracy in the world, raises the question whether the importance of opinion polls is vastly exaggerated. During elections two types of opinion polls are conducted; one based on intentions to vote, published during or before the campaign, often being not very accurate as these are subject to many variables but exit polls, done after the voting where a sample tally of how the voters actually voted, are mostly accurate. However, of the 15 exit polls published soon after all the votes were cast in the massive Indian election, 13 vastly overpredicted the number of seats Modi’s BJP led coalition NDA would obtain, some giving a figure as high as 400, the number Modi claimed he is aiming for. The other two polls grossly underestimated predicting a hung parliament. The actual result is that NDA passed the threshold of 272 comfortably, there being no landslide. BJP by itself was not able to cross the threshold, a significant setback for an overconfident Mody! Whether this would result in less excesses on the part of Modi, like Muslim-bashing, remains to be seen. Anyway, the statement issued by BJP that they would be investigating the reasons for failure rather than blaming the process speaks very highly of the maturity of the democratic process in India.
I was intrigued by this failure of opinion polls as this differs dramatically from opinion polls in the UK. I never failed to watch ‘Election night specials’ on BBC; as the Big Ben strikes ‘ten’ (In the UK polls close at 10pm} the anchor comes out with “Exit polls predict that …” and the actual outcome is often almost as predicted. However, many a time opinion polls conducted during the campaign have got the predictions wrong. There are many explanations for this.
An opinion poll is defined as a research survey of public opinion from a particular sample, the origin of which can be traced back to the 1824 US presidential election, when two local newspapers in North Carolina and Delaware predicted the victory of Andrew Jackson but the sample was local. First national survey was done in 1916 by the magazine, Literary Digest, partly for circulation-raising, by mailing millions of postcards and counting the returns. Of course, this was not very scientific though it accurately predicted the election of Woodrow Wilson.
Since then, opinion polls have grown in extent and complexity with scientific methodology improving the outcome of predictions not only in elections but also in market research. As a result, some of these organisations have become big businesses. For instance, YouGov, an internet-based organisation co-founded by the Iraqi-born British politician Nadim Zahawi, based in London had a revenue of 258 million GBP in 2023.
In Sri Lanka, opinion polls seem to be conducted by only one organisation which, by itself, is a disadvantage, as pooled data from surveys conducted by many are more likely to reflect the true situation. Irrespective of the degree of accuracy, politicians seem to be dependent on the available data which lend explanations to the behaviour of some.
The Institute for Health Policy’s (IHP) Sri Lanka Opinion Tracker Survey has been tracking the voting intentions for the likely candidates for the Presidential election. At one stage the NPP/JVP leader AKD was getting a figure over 50%. This together with some degree of international acceptance made the JVP behave as if they are already in power, leading to some incidents where their true colour was showing.
The comments made by a prominent member of the JVP who claimed that the JVP killed only the riff-raff, raised many questions, in addition to being a total insult to many innocents killed by them including my uncle. Do they have the authority to do so? Do extra-judicial killings continue to be JVP policy? Do they consider anyone who disagrees with them riff-raff? Will they kill them simply because they do not comply like one of my admired teachers, Dr Gladys Jayawardena who was considered riff-raff because she, as the Chairman of the State Pharmaceutical Corporation, arranged to buy drugs cheaper from India? Is it not the height of hypocrisy that AKD is now boasting of his ties to India?
Another big-wig comes with the grand idea of devolving law and order to village level. As stated very strongly, in the editorial “Pledges and reality” (The Island, 20 May) is this what they intend to do: Have JVP kangaroo-courts!
Perhaps, as a result of these incidents AKD’s ratings has dropped to 39%, according to the IHP survey done in April, and Sajith Premadasa’s ratings have increased gradually to match that. Whilst they are level pegging Ranil is far behind at 13%. Is this the reason why Ranil is getting his acolytes to propagate the idea that the best for the country is to extend his tenure by a referendum? He forced the postponement of Local Governments elections by refusing to release funds but he cannot do so for the presidential election for constitutional reasons. He is now looking for loopholes. Has he considered the distinct possibility that the referendum to extend the life of the presidency and the parliament if lost, would double the expenditure?
Unfortunately, this has been an exercise in futility and it would not be surprising if the next survey shows Ranil’s chances dropping even further! Perhaps, the best option available to Ranil is to retire gracefully, taking credit for steadying the economy and saving the country from an anarchic invasion of the parliament, rather than to leave politics in disgrace by coming third in the presidential election. Unless, of course, he is convinced that opinion polls do not matter and what matters is the ballots in the box!
By Prof. Kirthi Tennakone
ktenna@yahoo.co.uk
Thoughtfulness is the quality of being conscious of issues that arise and considering action while seeking explanations. It facilitates finding solutions to problems and judging experiences.
Almost all human accomplishments are consequences of thoughtfulness.
Can you perform day-to-day work efficiently and effectively without being thoughtful? Obviously, no. Are there any major advancements attained without thought and contemplation? Not a single example!
Science and technology, art, music and literary compositions and religion stand conspicuously as products of thought.
Thought could have sinister motives and the only way to eliminate them is through thought itself. Thought could distinguish right from wrong.
Empathy, love, amusement, and expression of sorrow are reflections of thought.
Thought relieves worries by understanding or taking decisive action.
Despite the universal virtue of thoughtfulness, some advocate an idea termed mindfulness, claiming the benefits of nurturing this quality to shape mental wellbeing. The concept is defined as focusing attention to the present moment without judgment. A way of forgetting the worries and calming the mind – a form of meditation. A definition coined in the West to decouple the concept from religion. The attitude could have a temporary advantage as a method of softening negative feelings such as sorrow and anger. However, no man or woman can afford to be non-judgmental all the time. It is incompatible with indispensable thoughtfulness! What is the advantage of diverting attention to one thing without discernment during a few tens of minute’s meditation? The instructors of mindfulness meditation tell you to focus attention on trivial things. Whereas in thoughtfulness, you concentrate the mind on challenging issues. Sometimes arriving at groundbreaking scientific discoveries, solution of mathematical problems or the creation of masterpieces in engineering, art, or literature.
The concept of meditation and mindfulness originated in ancient India around 1000 BCE. Vedic ascetics believed the practice would lead to supernatural powers enabling disclosure of the truth. Failing to meet the said aspiration, notwithstanding so many stories in scripture, is discernable. Otherwise, the world would have been awakened to advancement by ancient Indians before the Greeks. The latter culture emphasized thoughtfulness!
In India, Buddha was the first to deviate from the Vedic philosophy. His teachers, Alara Kalama and Uddaka Ramaputra, were adherents of meditation. Unconvinced of their approach, Buddha concluded a thoughtful analysis of the actualities of life should be the path to realisation. However, in an environment dominated by Vedic tradition, meditation residually persisted when Buddha’s teachings transformed into a religion.
In the early 1970s, a few in the West picked up meditation and mindfulness. We Easterners, who criticize Western ideas all the time, got exalted after seeing something Eastern accepted in the Western circles. Thereafter, Easterners took up the subject more seriously, in the spirit of its definition in the West.
Today, mindfulness has become a marketable commodity – a thriving business spreading worldwide, fueled largely by advertising. There are practice centres, lessons onsite and online, and apps for purchase. Articles written by gurus of the field appear on the web.
What attracts people to mindfulness programmes? Many assume them being stressed and depressed needs to improve their mental capacity. In most instances, these are minor complaints and for understandable reasons, they do not seek mainstream medical interventions but go for exaggeratedly advertised alternatives. Mainstream medical treatments are based on rigorous science and spell out both the pros and cons of the procedure, avoiding overstatement. Whereas the alternative sector makes unsubstantiated claims about the efficacy and effectiveness of the treatment.
Advocates of mindfulness claim the benefits of their prescriptions have been proven scientifically. There are reports (mostly in open-access journals which charge a fee for publication) indicating that authors have found positive aspects of mindfulness or identified reasons correlating the efficacy of such activities. However, they rarely meet standards normally required for unequivocal acceptance. The gold standard of scientific scrutiny is the statistically significant reproducibility of claims.
If a mindfulness guru claims his prescription of meditation cures hypertension, he must record the blood pressure of participants before and after completion of the activity and show the blood pressure of a large percentage has stably dropped and repeat the experiment with different clients. He must also conduct sessions where he adopts another prescription (a placebo) under the same conditions and compares the results. This is not enough, he must request someone else to conduct sessions following his prescription, to rule out the influence of the personality of the instructor.
The laity unaware of the above rigid requirements, accede to purported claims of mindfulness proponents.
A few years ago, an article published and widely cited stated that the practice of mindfulness increases the gray matter density of the brain. A more recent study found there is no such correlation. Popular expositions on the subject do not refer to the latter report. Most mindfulness research published seems to have been conducted intending to prove the benefits of the practice. The hard science demands doing the opposite as well-experiments carried out intending to disprove the claims. You need to be skeptical until things are firmly established.
Despite many efforts diverted to disprove Einstein’s General Theory of Relativity, no contradictions have been found in vain to date, strengthening the validity of the theory. Regarding mindfulness, as it stands, benefits can neither be proved nor disproved, to the gold standard of scientific scrutiny.
Some schools in foreign lands have accommodated mindfulness training programs hoping to develop the mental facility of students and Sri Lanka plans to follow. However, studies also reveal these exercises are ineffective or do more harm than good. Have we investigated this issue before imitation?
Should we force our children to focus attention on one single goal without judgment, even for a moment?
Why not allow young minds to roam wild in their deepest imagination and build castles in the air and encourage them to turn these fantasies into realities by nurturing their thoughtfulness?
Be more thoughtful than mindful?
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