Opinion
Act now, or regret!
Dear Sajith,
When Ranil Wickremasinghe became Prime Minister, I wrote to him and urged that he respond to the magnitude of the moment by directing his focus towards uniting the Opposition and avoiding the mistakes of the past. Although I have deep reservations over how the Rajapaksas manoeuvred him into the premiership, I sincerely hoped that he would succeed in uniting the country to face the greatest crisis we have encountered, since independence.
Many people, both known and unknown to me, chastised me for “wasting my time”. I can only hope that this letter to you does not merit a similar reaction. Even if so, I have no choice. For my country’s sake, I have to try.
It is evident that that the Prime Minister understands the gravity of the situation, but so far, he has failed to do anything tangible to unify the country, secure any meaningful financial assistance or enact serious fiscal reforms that would get the international community to take us seriously. By appointing committee after committee, the government appears to be trying to achieve different results through a spin on the same old style of governance.
Thanks to the tenacity of the Aragalaya movement, most of the Rajapaksas save Gotabaya, have been driven out of power. But the vacuum of power they left behind is not being filled by well meaning, capable and sincere statesmen seeking to save the country. Instead, like before, it is being filled by opportunistic politicians who want to be president, and some entrepreneurs who see our failing state as ripe for a hostile takeover, hoping to pick the bones of our economy on their way to the presidency to bolster their own extraordinary wealth on the backs of the poor. In today’s climate, however, it is inconceivable that anyone who demonstrates such selfishness can ever be elected to lead the country.
Sadly, from career politicians to businesspeople, those who the President and Prime Minister have entrusted with our salvation, are spending more time in television interviews than on trying to do any real good. And they are doing it as people die on the street of hunger, dehydration and desperation. As our people fall dead, none of these messiahs have uttered a word to indicate that they could care a damn about the suffering of the poor. They are only talking about their personal political ambitions and not about how to address the grievances of the people. I hope that this reality will move you, as a politician who has always spoken about caring most about the poor. At the end of the day, Sajith, actions speak louder than words. Our people see one failed regime give way to another failing regime with virtually the same game plan. Anyone is right to wonder whether you are functioning as an effective Opposition leader to present an alternative vision.
The general feeling in our country is that we have a President who no one wants because he has failed spectacularly. We have a Prime Minister who has no parliamentary support and has failed to build bridges with any meaningful coalition. And we have an opposition leader who seems unable to even unify the Opposition. To the ordinary citizen, it feels like your strategy is to just wait until this government also fails in the hope that power will simply fall into your lap.
Given the way that our people see our President, Prime Minister and Opposition Leader, it feels that the greatest political challenge in Sri Lanka is a human resources crisis, or a lack of leadership at the very top. Make no mistake. The Opposition had virtually nothing to do with ridding us of the bulk of the Rajapaksas. They were chased out not by the political Opposition but by the youth of this country. Whether or not you agree with all their positions, they got on the streets passionately and fearlessly to take the Rajapaksas head on. They had no interest in any sort of accommodation or special privileges or deals from the Rajapaksas. They just wanted them out.
The message the people had for the Rajapaksa family, the message they have for the current Prime Minister, and the message they have for you is the same: in the words of General George Patton, “either lead, follow or get out of the way.”On 12 April 2022, all the rules changed. You cannot continue to do politics now as it was done before that date, when Sri Lanka announced it was defaulting on its foreign debt, becoming the first Asia Pacific country to do so in the 21st century. Now, the very existence of our country, as a functioning democratic republic is at stake. Every single second counts. You simply do not have the luxury of watching and waiting until another government fails and hope to pick up the pieces. If this government fails, it may well take the country down with it and start an unstoppable spiral of inflation.
Silence and armchair criticism are not options today for any political leader who truly aspires to serve and save our people. The Leader of the Opposition must unite the Opposition, articulate clear stances on critical issues, and present a clear vision for our future. You must also rise to the challenge of engaging in good faith with the President and the Prime Minister to try and prevent them from driving us into calamity.
I understand the practical difficulty in working with two leaders who are cemented in their ways, driven by ego and who are surrounded by failed teams who they are unlikely to replace. But until you have a viable path to replacing them, there is simply no choice. If you are serious about arresting the deterioration of our country, you have to come forward with your team and stop at nothing to try and get us out of this mess.
You have at your disposal in the Opposition some of the brightest economic and political minds in Parliament. For example, you have an experienced economist in Harsha de Silva, who can take our case to the world and build confidence in Sri Lanka once more. You have a proven finance leader who has the respect of career officials in the Treasury and Central Bank with Eran Wickremaratne. You have a highly qualified engineer with deep experience and expertise in the power sector in Champika Ranawaka. There is one of our country’s finest legal minds in M.A. Sumanthiran. You have Harini Amarasuriya, who has studied structural unemployment and the flaws of our national education system more soundly and in more depth than almost any other academic in the country.
If you take just these five individuals, let alone the abundance of talent on the Opposition benches, there is more serious, credible talent and positive track record than the entire current Cabinet put together. With talent like this at your disposal, you must find a way to put this intellectual horsepower to use to help the country. Perhaps you could secure their blessing and then have a frank conversation with the President and Prime Minister. Tell them in blunt terms that they have failed, and that they have a failing team, and offer them a better team to prevent our economy from imploding and our people from starving.
Some may advise you that this is political suicide. But even if it is, political suicide for politicians is far better than letting the country collapse to the extent that parents choose to commit suicide rather than watch their children starve to death. That is the reality of choosing to do nothing. A quarter of our people have no food to eat. Children are being permanently stunted, physically and intellectually, by malnutrition. Desperate people are dying in petrol queues. Anyone who has the means to do so is fleeing the country.
Waiting until the government collapses to take over is not a solution. There may well be nothing left to take over. You need to be sincere, fearless, and committed. Unless you find the strength to stand tall and make sacrifices, you cannot hope to succeed. Put the poor before yourself, because heaven knows, Gotabaya Rajapaksa will not, and by the looks of it, neither will Ranil Wickremasinghe. If you or someone else as Opposition Leader is not willing to do that, it is not just you or the Opposition who will fail. Sri Lanka will fail, and our entire system of government will fail with it.Yes, there are opportunistic MPs who undermined you and joined the Rajapaksa-Wickremesinghe government for ministries, perks and business deals. They may want to have a good time and globetrot on the public dime while people are dying on the streets. But there are others in the SJB who genuinely and sincerely want to help our country to stave off disaster. If you, through inaction and indecisiveness, leave them with no choice but to leave you, the SJB, too, may very quickly erode into an empty shell.
If you want to inspire these few serious and committed politicians and give them faith in your leadership, you can start by standing up for the Opposition members who fearlessly take on the government. One of the main reasons that Sri Lanka was reduced to pariah status among the civilized world was our tolerance for the Rajapaksas using threats, intimidation and persecution to silence political opponents.
I trust that you were present in Parliament when the Prime Minister resorted to these same disgusting tactics of majoritarian dog whistling to try and intimidate and silence TNA MP Shanakiyan Rasamanickam, who has been one of his most outspoken and vociferous critics. A leader who so readily resorts to such petty cheap shots cannot rise to the challenge of unifying a nation in a time of crisis. They can only succeed in disintegrating not integrating.
I remain shocked that neither you nor your Opposition leadership stood up to defend Rasamanickam or spoke against Wickremesinghe’s usurping a solemn vote of condolence for the late Amarakeerthi Athukorala to settle a personal score. You should have stood by Rasamanickam and deterred the government from the kind of thuggish tactics that helped get us into this mess in the first place.
Strategically, you must foster courage and strength among the opposition MPs and bolster their numbers in any way you can. It is also high time that the SJB makes its stance clear publicly on the several MPs elected on your ticket who voted for the 20th Amendment. It has been nearly two years since they raised their hands to support legislation that brought the country to its knees. Will you sack these MPs or those who have now sworn allegiance to Gotabaya Rajapaksa? Imagine, for a moment, that instead of appointing Diana Gamage from the national list, that you had instead shown the wisdom to appoint the eminent lawyer Suren Fernando to Parliament. Would he have ever betrayed you, your party, or the country, by voting for the 20th amendment and making the Rajapaksas into a royal family? You will forever have to live with the fact that the government was only able to pass the 20th Amendment with 156 votes because they secured the support of eight of your SJB MPs, none of whom have yet been sacked for this betrayal.
Perhaps, this lack of consequence for betrayal is what enabled another of your national list MPs to also pledge his fealty to the Rajapaksa-Wickremesinghe government. Imagine, if instead of such MPs occupying national list slots, you had appointed professionals with integrity and a sense of duty. We have no shortage of them. In just the last month alone, two Sri Lankan professionals distinguished themselves by rising to the height of eminence in their fields.
Hans Wijesuriya, the founder CEO of Dialog, was appointed acting head of Axiata, one of Asia’s largest telecom conglomerates. Dr. Rohan Pethiyagoda, our most eminent scientist, who began his career in the civil service, was also awarded the Linnean Medal for his lifetime contribution to scientific research. It is professionals like them you should appoint from your national list. Can you imagine either of these people jumping ship at the first sign of a ministerial portfolio and public perks? At least now, it is your duty to rid your party and Parliament of those SJB members who have betrayed the party and the country by pledging themselves to the Rajapaksas. In their stead, surely you can appoint people who will contribute to the solution and not cause more problems.
Sajith, you have perilously little time to learn from these devastating mistakes of the past. It is imperative that you take stands on these fundamental issues and demonstrate to the people that you are serious about making a difference. What is your vision for bringing investment and aid to Sri Lanka? You need to explain what you or a future government led by you would do differently to change the culture of corruption and cronyism that keeps most serious and honest investors away and attracts those looking to pay commissions and make a fast buck.
What is your stance on the need for accountability for the architects of this fiscal calamity – P.B. Jayasundera, Basil Rajapaksa and Ajith Nivard Cabraal? Will you assure the people that they will not be able to cut a deal and escape responsibility on your watch? Will you pursue justice for those who colluded with the Rajapaksas and fleeced our foreign reserves through sweet scams and political grifting? No one knows what the SJB stand is on any of these matters. And no one will know unless you come out and take a stand.
Until you demonstrate that you are not cut from the same cloth as every other cookie cutter politician who only cares about getting their speeches on TV, putting their face on posters and billboards, and being worshipped by villagers at pocket meetings, no one will see you as a viable alternative. If you sincerely choose to rise to the moment, unite and galvanize a serious Opposition, you will find that Sri Lanka is facing a Singapore-like inflection point.
Whether the next few years sees us going back to the stone age or evolving to the next age is largely a question of whether we have a leader in our country who is capable of seeing what others have not, a leader who can energize and inspire our country to victory through honesty, hard work and teamwork. If this is the kind of leader you feel you are destined to be, the moment to stand up and say so is now. If this all feels too overwhelming, daunting or complicated, then I would urge you to give serious consideration to bowing down and facilitating your party to appoint a successor who is willing to fight hard, to the bitter end, to guide our people to salvation.
Yours Sincerely,
Krishantha
by Dr B.J.C.Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paed), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin),
FRCP(Lon), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
Joint Editor, Sri Lanka Journal of Child Health
In an age of unprecedented global development, technological advancements, universal connectivity, and improvements in living standards in many areas of the world, it is a very dark irony that child food poverty remains a pressing issue. UNICEF defines child food poverty as children’s inability to access and consume a nutritious and diverse diet in early childhood. Despite the planet Earth’s undisputed capacity to produce enough food to nourish everyone, millions of children still go hungry each day. We desperately need to explore the multifaceted deleterious effects of child food poverty, on physical health, cognitive development, emotional well-being, and societal impacts and then try to formulate a road map to alleviate its deleterious effects.
Every day, right across the world, millions of parents and families are struggling to provide nutritious and diverse foods that young children desperately need to reach their full potential. Growing inequities, conflict, and climate crises, combined with rising food prices, the overabundance of unhealthy foods, harmful food marketing strategies and poor child-feeding practices, are condemning millions of children to child food poverty.
In a communique dated 06th June 2024, UNICEF reports that globally, 1 in 4 children; approximately 181 million under the age of five, live in severe child food poverty, defined as consuming at most, two of eight food groups in early childhood. These children are up to 50 per cent more likely to suffer from life-threatening malnutrition. Child Food Poverty: Nutrition Deprivation in Early Childhood – the third issue of UNICEF’s flagship Child Nutrition Report – highlights that millions of young children are unable to access and consume the nutritious and diverse diets that are essential for their growth and development in early childhood and beyond.
It is highlighted in the report that four out of five children experiencing severe child food poverty are fed only breastmilk or just some other milk and/or a starchy staple, such as maize, rice or wheat. Less than 10 per cent of these children are fed fruits and vegetables and less than 5 per cent are fed nutrient-dense foods such as eggs, fish, poultry, or meat. These are horrendous statistics that should pull at the heartstrings of the discerning populace of this world.
The report also identifies the drivers of child food poverty. Strikingly, though 46 per cent of all cases of severe child food poverty are among poor households where income poverty is likely to be a major driver, 54 per cent live in relatively wealthier households, among whom poor food environments and feeding practices are the main drivers of food poverty in early childhood.
One of the most immediate and visible effects of child food poverty is its detrimental impact on physical health. Malnutrition, which can result from both insufficient calorie intake and lack of essential nutrients, is a prevalent consequence. Chronic undernourishment during formative years leads to stunted growth, weakened immune systems, and increased susceptibility to infections and diseases. Children who do not receive adequate nutrition are more likely to suffer from conditions such as anaemia, rickets, and developmental delays.
Moreover, the lack of proper nutrition can have long-term health consequences. Malnourished children are at a higher risk of developing chronic illnesses such as heart disease, diabetes, and obesity later in life. The paradox of child food poverty is that it can lead to both undernutrition and overnutrition, with children in food-insecure households often consuming calorie-dense but nutrient-poor foods due to economic constraints. This dietary pattern increases the risk of obesity, creating a vicious cycle of poor health outcomes.
The impacts of child food poverty extend beyond physical health, severely affecting cognitive development and educational attainment. Adequate nutrition is crucial for brain development, particularly in the early years of life. Malnutrition can impair cognitive functions such as attention, memory, and problem-solving skills. Studies have consistently shown that malnourished children perform worse academically compared to their well-nourished peers. Inadequate nutrition during early childhood can lead to reduced school readiness and lower IQ scores. These children often struggle to concentrate in school, miss more days due to illness, and have lower overall academic performance. This educational disadvantage perpetuates the cycle of poverty, as lower educational attainment reduces future employment opportunities and earning potential.
The emotional and psychological effects of child food poverty are profound and are often overlooked. Food insecurity creates a constant state of stress and anxiety for both children and their families. The uncertainty of not knowing when or where the next meal will come from can lead to feelings of helplessness and despair. Children in food-insecure households are more likely to experience behavioural problems, including hyperactivity, aggression, and withdrawal. The stigma associated with poverty and hunger can further exacerbate these emotional challenges. Children who experience food poverty may feel shame and embarrassment, leading to social isolation and reduced self-esteem. This psychological toll can have lasting effects, contributing to mental health issues such as depression and anxiety in adolescence and adulthood.
Child food poverty also perpetuates cycles of poverty and inequality. Children who grow up in food-insecure households are more likely to remain in poverty as adults, continuing the intergenerational transmission of disadvantage. This cycle of poverty exacerbates social disparities, contributing to increased crime rates, reduced social cohesion, and greater reliance on social welfare programmes. The repercussions of child food poverty ripple through society, creating economic and social challenges that affect everyone. The healthcare costs associated with treating malnutrition-related illnesses and chronic diseases are substantial. Additionally, the educational deficits linked to child food poverty result in a less skilled workforce, which hampers economic growth and productivity.
Addressing child food poverty requires a multi-faceted approach that tackles both immediate needs and underlying causes. Policy interventions are crucial in ensuring that all children have access to adequate nutrition. This can include expanding social safety nets, such as food assistance programmes and school meal initiatives, as well as targeted manoeuvres to reach more vulnerable families. Ensuring that these programmes are adequately funded and effectively implemented is essential for their success.
In addition to direct food assistance, broader economic and social policies are needed to address the root causes of poverty. This includes efforts to increase household incomes through living wage policies, job training programs, and economic development initiatives. Supporting families with affordable childcare, healthcare, and housing can also alleviate some of the financial pressures that contribute to food insecurity.
Community-based initiatives play a vital role in combating child food poverty. Local food banks, community gardens, and nutrition education programmes can help provide immediate relief and promote long-term food security. Collaborative efforts between government, non-profits, and the private sector are necessary to create sustainable solutions.
Child food poverty is a profound and inescapable issue with far-reaching consequences. Its deleterious effects on physical health, cognitive development, emotional well-being, and societal stability underscore the urgent need for comprehensive action. As we strive for a more equitable and just world, addressing child food poverty must be a priority. By ensuring that all children have access to adequate nutrition, we can lay the foundation for a healthier, more prosperous future for individuals and society as a whole. The fight against child food poverty is not just a moral imperative but an investment in our collective future. Healthy, well-nourished children are more likely to grow into productive, contributing members of society. The benefits of addressing this issue extend beyond individual well-being, enhancing economic stability and social harmony. It is incumbent upon us all to recognize and act upon the understanding that every child deserves the right to adequate nutrition and the opportunity to thrive.
Despite all of these existent challenges, it is very definitely possible to end child food poverty. The world needs targeted interventions to transform food, health, and social protection systems, and also take steps to strengthen data systems to track progress in reducing child food poverty. All these manoeuvres must comprise a concerted effort towards making nutritious and diverse diets accessible and affordable to all. We need to call for child food poverty reduction to be recognized as a metric of success towards achieving global and national nutrition and development goals.
Material from UNICEF reports and AI assistance are acknowledged.
By Dr Upul Wijayawardhana
The colossal failure of not a single opinion poll predicting accurately the result of the Indian parliamentary election, the greatest exercise in democracy in the world, raises the question whether the importance of opinion polls is vastly exaggerated. During elections two types of opinion polls are conducted; one based on intentions to vote, published during or before the campaign, often being not very accurate as these are subject to many variables but exit polls, done after the voting where a sample tally of how the voters actually voted, are mostly accurate. However, of the 15 exit polls published soon after all the votes were cast in the massive Indian election, 13 vastly overpredicted the number of seats Modi’s BJP led coalition NDA would obtain, some giving a figure as high as 400, the number Modi claimed he is aiming for. The other two polls grossly underestimated predicting a hung parliament. The actual result is that NDA passed the threshold of 272 comfortably, there being no landslide. BJP by itself was not able to cross the threshold, a significant setback for an overconfident Mody! Whether this would result in less excesses on the part of Modi, like Muslim-bashing, remains to be seen. Anyway, the statement issued by BJP that they would be investigating the reasons for failure rather than blaming the process speaks very highly of the maturity of the democratic process in India.
I was intrigued by this failure of opinion polls as this differs dramatically from opinion polls in the UK. I never failed to watch ‘Election night specials’ on BBC; as the Big Ben strikes ‘ten’ (In the UK polls close at 10pm} the anchor comes out with “Exit polls predict that …” and the actual outcome is often almost as predicted. However, many a time opinion polls conducted during the campaign have got the predictions wrong. There are many explanations for this.
An opinion poll is defined as a research survey of public opinion from a particular sample, the origin of which can be traced back to the 1824 US presidential election, when two local newspapers in North Carolina and Delaware predicted the victory of Andrew Jackson but the sample was local. First national survey was done in 1916 by the magazine, Literary Digest, partly for circulation-raising, by mailing millions of postcards and counting the returns. Of course, this was not very scientific though it accurately predicted the election of Woodrow Wilson.
Since then, opinion polls have grown in extent and complexity with scientific methodology improving the outcome of predictions not only in elections but also in market research. As a result, some of these organisations have become big businesses. For instance, YouGov, an internet-based organisation co-founded by the Iraqi-born British politician Nadim Zahawi, based in London had a revenue of 258 million GBP in 2023.
In Sri Lanka, opinion polls seem to be conducted by only one organisation which, by itself, is a disadvantage, as pooled data from surveys conducted by many are more likely to reflect the true situation. Irrespective of the degree of accuracy, politicians seem to be dependent on the available data which lend explanations to the behaviour of some.
The Institute for Health Policy’s (IHP) Sri Lanka Opinion Tracker Survey has been tracking the voting intentions for the likely candidates for the Presidential election. At one stage the NPP/JVP leader AKD was getting a figure over 50%. This together with some degree of international acceptance made the JVP behave as if they are already in power, leading to some incidents where their true colour was showing.
The comments made by a prominent member of the JVP who claimed that the JVP killed only the riff-raff, raised many questions, in addition to being a total insult to many innocents killed by them including my uncle. Do they have the authority to do so? Do extra-judicial killings continue to be JVP policy? Do they consider anyone who disagrees with them riff-raff? Will they kill them simply because they do not comply like one of my admired teachers, Dr Gladys Jayawardena who was considered riff-raff because she, as the Chairman of the State Pharmaceutical Corporation, arranged to buy drugs cheaper from India? Is it not the height of hypocrisy that AKD is now boasting of his ties to India?
Another big-wig comes with the grand idea of devolving law and order to village level. As stated very strongly, in the editorial “Pledges and reality” (The Island, 20 May) is this what they intend to do: Have JVP kangaroo-courts!
Perhaps, as a result of these incidents AKD’s ratings has dropped to 39%, according to the IHP survey done in April, and Sajith Premadasa’s ratings have increased gradually to match that. Whilst they are level pegging Ranil is far behind at 13%. Is this the reason why Ranil is getting his acolytes to propagate the idea that the best for the country is to extend his tenure by a referendum? He forced the postponement of Local Governments elections by refusing to release funds but he cannot do so for the presidential election for constitutional reasons. He is now looking for loopholes. Has he considered the distinct possibility that the referendum to extend the life of the presidency and the parliament if lost, would double the expenditure?
Unfortunately, this has been an exercise in futility and it would not be surprising if the next survey shows Ranil’s chances dropping even further! Perhaps, the best option available to Ranil is to retire gracefully, taking credit for steadying the economy and saving the country from an anarchic invasion of the parliament, rather than to leave politics in disgrace by coming third in the presidential election. Unless, of course, he is convinced that opinion polls do not matter and what matters is the ballots in the box!
By Prof. Kirthi Tennakone
ktenna@yahoo.co.uk
Thoughtfulness is the quality of being conscious of issues that arise and considering action while seeking explanations. It facilitates finding solutions to problems and judging experiences.
Almost all human accomplishments are consequences of thoughtfulness.
Can you perform day-to-day work efficiently and effectively without being thoughtful? Obviously, no. Are there any major advancements attained without thought and contemplation? Not a single example!
Science and technology, art, music and literary compositions and religion stand conspicuously as products of thought.
Thought could have sinister motives and the only way to eliminate them is through thought itself. Thought could distinguish right from wrong.
Empathy, love, amusement, and expression of sorrow are reflections of thought.
Thought relieves worries by understanding or taking decisive action.
Despite the universal virtue of thoughtfulness, some advocate an idea termed mindfulness, claiming the benefits of nurturing this quality to shape mental wellbeing. The concept is defined as focusing attention to the present moment without judgment. A way of forgetting the worries and calming the mind – a form of meditation. A definition coined in the West to decouple the concept from religion. The attitude could have a temporary advantage as a method of softening negative feelings such as sorrow and anger. However, no man or woman can afford to be non-judgmental all the time. It is incompatible with indispensable thoughtfulness! What is the advantage of diverting attention to one thing without discernment during a few tens of minute’s meditation? The instructors of mindfulness meditation tell you to focus attention on trivial things. Whereas in thoughtfulness, you concentrate the mind on challenging issues. Sometimes arriving at groundbreaking scientific discoveries, solution of mathematical problems or the creation of masterpieces in engineering, art, or literature.
The concept of meditation and mindfulness originated in ancient India around 1000 BCE. Vedic ascetics believed the practice would lead to supernatural powers enabling disclosure of the truth. Failing to meet the said aspiration, notwithstanding so many stories in scripture, is discernable. Otherwise, the world would have been awakened to advancement by ancient Indians before the Greeks. The latter culture emphasized thoughtfulness!
In India, Buddha was the first to deviate from the Vedic philosophy. His teachers, Alara Kalama and Uddaka Ramaputra, were adherents of meditation. Unconvinced of their approach, Buddha concluded a thoughtful analysis of the actualities of life should be the path to realisation. However, in an environment dominated by Vedic tradition, meditation residually persisted when Buddha’s teachings transformed into a religion.
In the early 1970s, a few in the West picked up meditation and mindfulness. We Easterners, who criticize Western ideas all the time, got exalted after seeing something Eastern accepted in the Western circles. Thereafter, Easterners took up the subject more seriously, in the spirit of its definition in the West.
Today, mindfulness has become a marketable commodity – a thriving business spreading worldwide, fueled largely by advertising. There are practice centres, lessons onsite and online, and apps for purchase. Articles written by gurus of the field appear on the web.
What attracts people to mindfulness programmes? Many assume them being stressed and depressed needs to improve their mental capacity. In most instances, these are minor complaints and for understandable reasons, they do not seek mainstream medical interventions but go for exaggeratedly advertised alternatives. Mainstream medical treatments are based on rigorous science and spell out both the pros and cons of the procedure, avoiding overstatement. Whereas the alternative sector makes unsubstantiated claims about the efficacy and effectiveness of the treatment.
Advocates of mindfulness claim the benefits of their prescriptions have been proven scientifically. There are reports (mostly in open-access journals which charge a fee for publication) indicating that authors have found positive aspects of mindfulness or identified reasons correlating the efficacy of such activities. However, they rarely meet standards normally required for unequivocal acceptance. The gold standard of scientific scrutiny is the statistically significant reproducibility of claims.
If a mindfulness guru claims his prescription of meditation cures hypertension, he must record the blood pressure of participants before and after completion of the activity and show the blood pressure of a large percentage has stably dropped and repeat the experiment with different clients. He must also conduct sessions where he adopts another prescription (a placebo) under the same conditions and compares the results. This is not enough, he must request someone else to conduct sessions following his prescription, to rule out the influence of the personality of the instructor.
The laity unaware of the above rigid requirements, accede to purported claims of mindfulness proponents.
A few years ago, an article published and widely cited stated that the practice of mindfulness increases the gray matter density of the brain. A more recent study found there is no such correlation. Popular expositions on the subject do not refer to the latter report. Most mindfulness research published seems to have been conducted intending to prove the benefits of the practice. The hard science demands doing the opposite as well-experiments carried out intending to disprove the claims. You need to be skeptical until things are firmly established.
Despite many efforts diverted to disprove Einstein’s General Theory of Relativity, no contradictions have been found in vain to date, strengthening the validity of the theory. Regarding mindfulness, as it stands, benefits can neither be proved nor disproved, to the gold standard of scientific scrutiny.
Some schools in foreign lands have accommodated mindfulness training programs hoping to develop the mental facility of students and Sri Lanka plans to follow. However, studies also reveal these exercises are ineffective or do more harm than good. Have we investigated this issue before imitation?
Should we force our children to focus attention on one single goal without judgment, even for a moment?
Why not allow young minds to roam wild in their deepest imagination and build castles in the air and encourage them to turn these fantasies into realities by nurturing their thoughtfulness?
Be more thoughtful than mindful?
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