Features
A tale of two exes: Gota returning en route to US, Trump under siege in the US
by Rajan Philips
There is nothing even remotely common between the current circumstances of Gotabaya Rajapaksa in Sri Lanka and Donald Trump in the United States of America. In fact, Gotabaya Rajapaksa is not even in Sri Lanka. He has been flying from country to country in search of safer pastures before facing the inevitability of returning home, subject to confirmation by his successor President Ranil Wickremesinghe that the time is opportune for the ultimate return of a runaway president.
The latest news, however, is that Mr. Rajapaksa is planning on returning to Sri Lanka and wait there until he gets a Green Card visa to the US based on his wife’s American citizenship. If that is the plan and all goes well, Mr. Rajapaksa will be in the US soon enough to watch live the unfolding political soap opera invloving Trump. For Sri Lanka and President Wickremesinghe, the sudden decision by Gotabaya Rajapaksa to return to Sri Lanka as early as next week (August 25) and stay there until he gets his US Green Card will create complications and even trigger new waves of protests.
Trump, on the other hand, is dug deep in American politics, and is belligerently urging his supporters to fight on his behalf against the US Department of Justice and the Federal Bureau of Investigation who have taken the unprecedented step of searching Trump’s Florida residence and retreiving classified government and intelligence documents. Trump is known to have taken them with him while leaving the White House in violation of the law and well established traditions. He is now facing potential indictments for violating the US Espionage Act, criminal handling of government documents, and obstruction of justice.
What might be common between Trump and Rajapaksa is that neither held any elected office before being elected as president. In fact, when Trump became US President after unexpectedly winning the 2016 presidential election, Gotabaya Rajapaksa made it known in Sri Lanka that he was making a study of the Trump victory as an example how someone from outside politics could win the support of the people to get elected to political office. Trump was defeated after one term and doesn’t want to leave politics now. Gota was forced to resign after half a term and has no more appetite for politics.
If Gota is a fugitive on the run, Trump is a bully bent on bending the law according to his whim. Gota’s fears are as much over the risk of legal punishments at home and abroad, as much as they are about the people’s wrath. Gota ran away from the people, but Trump is stoking populist resentment against the deep state to get himself out of legal trouble. He is exploiting America’s cultural divisions that have been crystallizing through the last decades of the twentieth century to upend the American political system. He will do everything possible to become president again and pardon himself in perpetuity.
Trumpian Onslaught
America is at war with itself over its own culture and there is no immediate end in sight, at least not before the baby boomers, who came of political age in the sixties and seventies and who have been the main exponents of the current culture war, are all dead and gone. The culture war is over attributes and attitudes on everything ranging from race, religion, voting rights, immigration, guns and abortion. Even the American institutions are caught in this war, and nothing exemplifies the deep divisions in society more than the US Supreme Court. The US economy, however, is still strong, resourceful and diverse enough to survive the current recessionary phase in the global economy, and to subsidize the culture war.
The Sri Lankan situation is entirely different. Ever since independence, Sri Lanka’s political crises have been dampening its economic potential. Now, for the first time, an unprecedented economic crisis is threatening to overhaul the political order. Unlike in the US, the people in Sri Lanka are not divided into pro-Rajapaksa and anti-Rajapaksa camps. Everyone wanted and want the Rajapaksas out. The economic havoc that the Rajapaksa regimes cumulatively created would seem to have provided a new basis for people to overcome their habitual ethno-political differences and achieve an overarching unity against the entire political establishment. To wit, the emergence of Aragalaya and the rhetoric for sacking the whole 225 lot in parliament.
The political questions are also different. In the US, the question is whether the American political system and its institutions can survive the Trumpian onslaught, whether or not Trump is indicted and even punished for his manifest political crimes and violations of the constitution. Last week, the US Attorney General, Merrick Garland, a highly respected jurist who would have been a Supreme Court Judge now but for the machinations of Senate Republicans who thwarted his nomination in 2016, personally authorized the application for warrant (which was approved by a Judge) and the eventual search by FBI of Mar-a-Lago, Trump’s private club-residence in Florida.
The FBI operation created a political furor and although Trump is accusing the Attorney General and the Department of Justice of conducting a witch hunt against him at the behest of President Biden and the Democrats, the truth is just the opposite. It was Trump who throughout his four years in office wanted successive Attorney Generals, the DOJ and the FBI to do his political bidding. He was rebuffed by Attorney Generals appointed by him.
Equally, election officials in States with Republican governments, and many of whom were Trump supporters and voters, rejected his entreaties and threats to maipulate the 2020 presidential election results to make him, and not Biden, the winner. Every court in the US, including Federal judges appointed by Trump, have summarily dismissed applications filed by Trump acolytes challenging the 2020 vote counts in states that Trump won in 2016 but lost in 2020. The Federal Courts and the Supreme Court, with three Trump-appointed judges, have consistently held against Trump’s claims for immunity in other litigations against Trump.
In other words, American institutions have so far withstood the Trumpian onslaught, but the onslaught does not appear to be waning at all, even as the legal nooses around Trump and his accolytes are both multiplying and narrowing. As I noted earlirer, the Trumpian onslaught and the push back against it are being sustained by the underlying culture war. There is no end in sight, but future directions may become clearer after the mid-term elections in November and the next presidential election two years hence.
Sri Lankan Shenanigans
For all its political imperfections including the direct and indirect suppression of voting rights of minorities and immigrants, the US maintains a canonical regularity and fixed timing of any and all elections. Election timing cannot be changed even by the Head of State or Head of Government or even a Legislature at any level in America. In most other countries the timing and conduct of elections are often at the discretion of governing parties, and especially the prime minister in a parliamentary system. In recent years, the discretionary powers of prime ministers to call elections have been curtailed and a number of countries, specifically Britain, have moved towards fixed-term parliaments between elections unless parliament votes to dissolve itself before the fixed term is over.
Before 1977 in Sri Lanka, the timing and conduct of elections were generally to the advantage of governing parties. After 1977, they have always been to the advantage of governing parties with the newly minted executive president exercising near total control over virtually everything about any and all elections. The 19th Amedment rescinded the president’s power to dissolve parliament within four and a half years after a general election, while the 20th Amendment limited that curtailment to two and a half years.
Surprise and no surprise, there is now a tug-of-war between MPs over the presidential powers to dissolve parliament in the 22nd Amendment Bill that is currently before the legislature. The SLPP MPs (who passed 20-A) now want to disable the President from dissolving parliament for four and a half years (as it was under 19-A). On the other hand, the SJB MPs and the SLFP MPs (all of whom take immense credit for passing 19-A) want to disable the President for only two and a half years. The hypocrisy in the alternated positions of the government and opposition MPs should not be shocking. The government MPs do not want an early election, indeed no further election if possible. An early election is all that the opposition MPs are looking for.
President Wickremesinghe is self-inflictedly caught in the middle, muttering his mantra of an all-party government. But he has other tricks up his constitutional sleeve, such as forming a national government for the purpose of bribing MPs with cabinet positions to get them onside with the President. This cheap trick was one of the more despicable provisions in 19-A and it now seems to have crept into 22-A under the drafting wizadry of Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe. What is truly sad is that the majority of law makers have forgotten everything and learnt nothing even in the middle of a crippling economic crisis and so soon after the massive protest wave that got rid of an elected President and his Prime Minister. There is no limit to the capacity of lawmakers for crass shenanigans.
So, in contrast to the US, the question in Sri Lanka is whether the country’s institutions are capable of positively transforming themselves in response to the unmistakable protest wishes of the people. Remarkably, while Aragalaya was able to see off an elected president, it has not been able to shake up the parliament at all. This is rather odd in the context of the Aragalaya outcry for abolishing the presidency and restoring parliamentary democracy, for it is the parliament that seems to have become the bulwark for the ‘ancien regime.’
There is also all manner of rearguard actions by the former political benefactors, as well as beneficiaries, of the Rajapaksas, who somehow want to preserve the old Rajapaksa nationalist political agenda while mercilessly castigating them for their economic mismanagement and familial corruption. They blame Aragalaya for apparently getting the country out of the Rajapaksa frying pan and dropping it into the Ranil Wickremesinghe fire. Would these critics of Aragalaya have wanted the Rajapaksa regime to keep going?
And they blame Ranil Wickremesinghe for rescuing the Rajapaksas and becoming their puppet. Curiously, perhaps not so, their attacks on Ranil Wickremesinghe carry a sting and a tone that never marked their worst attacks on the Rajapaksas for the latter’s worse blunders. The verbal contortions and tongue twists of Rajapaksa supporters turned Aragalaya attackers may have little or no consequence, but their capacity to be disruptive should not be taken lightly.
A recent instance of undiplomatic disruption would seem to involve the cliquish decision making within the Foreign Ministry and the Sri Lankan Mission in Beijing that allegedly led to the controversial visit of the Chinese naval ship Yuan Wang 5 to Hambantota. Leaving aside the controversy surrounding Indian reactions to the visit, it is pertinent to ask whether arranging a port of call for a Chinese satellite tracking ship is the appropriate way to expend government and diplomatic time and resources when Sri Lankans are anxiously waiting for any shipment from anywhere that will bring fuel and other essentials.
There is also the distracted blaming of Basil Rajapaksa for the political behaviour of the SLPP MPs in paraliament. Basil Rajapaksa deserves only blame, and not only blame but also penalty. But those who are blaming him vigorously now were the ones who praised him lavishly from 2018 onward for his prowess as the SLPP’s electoral magician. These pundits could not see through what Basil knew all along and later admitted – that the Rajapaksas might be good at winning elections but never good at governing. Now they, the pundits, are talking! Even now they are misplaced in targeting Basil instead of the real culprits – the SLPP MPs, and parliament itself. In their curiously convergent logic, the current impasse is all due to the faults of Aragalaya and of Basil Rajapaksa.
President Wickremesinghe looms large in the middle of all of this. He is in an unenviable position. He is assailed from all sides and gets no public support from any side. His record during the 2002 peace process and again during the yahapalanaya government (2015-2019) does not easily evoke trust in the man’s promises and confidence in his ability to deliver on them. His record has been one of over-promising and under-delivering. He needs to reverse that quickly and demonstrate it in words, actions and, most of all, results.
by Dr Gotabhya Ranasinghe
Senior Consultant Cardiologist
National Hospital Sri Lanka
When we sought a meeting with Hon Dr. Ramesh Pathirana, Minister of Health, he graciously cleared his busy schedule to accommodate us. Renowned for his attentive listening and deep understanding, Minister Pathirana is dedicated to advancing the health sector. His openness and transparency exemplify the qualities of an exemplary politician and minister.
Dr. Palitha Mahipala, the current Health Secretary, demonstrates both commendable enthusiasm and unwavering support. This combination of attributes makes him a highly compatible colleague for the esteemed Minister of Health.
Our discussion centered on a project that has been in the works for the past 30 years, one that no other minister had managed to advance.
Minister Pathirana, however, recognized the project’s significance and its potential to revolutionize care for heart patients.
The project involves the construction of a state-of-the-art facility at the premises of the National Hospital Colombo. The project’s location within the premises of the National Hospital underscores its importance and relevance to the healthcare infrastructure of the nation.
This facility will include a cardiology building and a tertiary care center, equipped with the latest technology to handle and treat all types of heart-related conditions and surgeries.
Securing funding was a major milestone for this initiative. Minister Pathirana successfully obtained approval for a $40 billion loan from the Asian Development Bank. With the funding in place, the foundation stone is scheduled to be laid in September this year, and construction will begin in January 2025.
This project guarantees a consistent and uninterrupted supply of stents and related medications for heart patients. As a result, patients will have timely access to essential medical supplies during their treatment and recovery. By securing these critical resources, the project aims to enhance patient outcomes, minimize treatment delays, and maintain the highest standards of cardiac care.
Upon its fruition, this monumental building will serve as a beacon of hope and healing, symbolizing the unwavering dedication to improving patient outcomes and fostering a healthier society.We anticipate a future marked by significant progress and positive outcomes in Sri Lanka’s cardiovascular treatment landscape within the foreseeable timeframe.
by Fr. Emmanuel Fernando, OMI
Jesuit Fr. Aloysius Pieris (affectionately called Fr. Aloy) celebrated his 90th birthday on April 9, 2024 and I, as the editor of our Oblate Journal, THE MISSIONARY OBLATE had gone to press by that time. Immediately I decided to publish an article, appreciating the untiring selfless services he continues to offer for inter-Faith dialogue, the renewal of the Catholic Church, his concern for the poor and the suffering Sri Lankan masses and to me, the present writer.
It was in 1988, when I was appointed Director of the Oblate Scholastics at Ampitiya by the then Oblate Provincial Fr. Anselm Silva, that I came to know Fr. Aloy more closely. Knowing well his expertise in matters spiritual, theological, Indological and pastoral, and with the collaborative spirit of my companion-formators, our Oblate Scholastics were sent to Tulana, the Research and Encounter Centre, Kelaniya, of which he is the Founder-Director, for ‘exposure-programmes’ on matters spiritual, biblical, theological and pastoral. Some of these dimensions according to my view and that of my companion-formators, were not available at the National Seminary, Ampitiya.
Ever since that time, our Oblate formators/ accompaniers at the Oblate Scholasticate, Ampitiya , have continued to send our Oblate Scholastics to Tulana Centre for deepening their insights and convictions regarding matters needed to serve the people in today’s context. Fr. Aloy also had tried very enthusiastically with the Oblate team headed by Frs. Oswald Firth and Clement Waidyasekara to begin a Theologate, directed by the Religious Congregations in Sri Lanka, for the contextual formation/ accompaniment of their members. It should very well be a desired goal of the Leaders / Provincials of the Religious Congregations.
Besides being a formator/accompanier at the Oblate Scholasticate, I was entrusted also with the task of editing and publishing our Oblate journal, ‘The Missionary Oblate’. To maintain the quality of the journal I continue to depend on Fr. Aloy for his thought-provoking and stimulating articles on Biblical Spirituality, Biblical Theology and Ecclesiology. I am very grateful to him for his generous assistance. Of late, his writings on renewal of the Church, initiated by Pope St. John XX111 and continued by Pope Francis through the Synodal path, published in our Oblate journal, enable our readers to focus their attention also on the needed renewal in the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka. Fr. Aloy appreciated very much the Synodal path adopted by the Jesuit Pope Francis for the renewal of the Church, rooted very much on prayerful discernment. In my Religious and presbyteral life, Fr.Aloy continues to be my spiritual animator / guide and ongoing formator / acccompanier.
Fr. Aloysius Pieris, BA Hons (Lond), LPh (SHC, India), STL (PFT, Naples), PhD (SLU/VC), ThD (Tilburg), D.Ltt (KU), has been one of the eminent Asian theologians well recognized internationally and one who has lectured and held visiting chairs in many universities both in the West and in the East. Many members of Religious Congregations from Asian countries have benefited from his lectures and guidance in the East Asian Pastoral Institute (EAPI) in Manila, Philippines. He had been a Theologian consulted by the Federation of Asian Bishops’ Conferences for many years. During his professorship at the Gregorian University in Rome, he was called to be a member of a special group of advisers on other religions consulted by Pope Paul VI.
Fr. Aloy is the author of more than 30 books and well over 500 Research Papers. Some of his books and articles have been translated and published in several countries. Among those books, one can find the following: 1) The Genesis of an Asian Theology of Liberation (An Autobiographical Excursus on the Art of Theologising in Asia, 2) An Asian Theology of Liberation, 3) Providential Timeliness of Vatican 11 (a long-overdue halt to a scandalous millennium, 4) Give Vatican 11 a chance, 5) Leadership in the Church, 6) Relishing our faith in working for justice (Themes for study and discussion), 7) A Message meant mainly, not exclusively for Jesuits (Background information necessary for helping Francis renew the Church), 8) Lent in Lanka (Reflections and Resolutions, 9) Love meets wisdom (A Christian Experience of Buddhism, 10) Fire and Water 11) God’s Reign for God’s poor, 12) Our Unhiddden Agenda (How we Jesuits work, pray and form our men). He is also the Editor of two journals, Vagdevi, Journal of Religious Reflection and Dialogue, New Series.
Fr. Aloy has a BA in Pali and Sanskrit from the University of London and a Ph.D in Buddhist Philosophy from the University of Sri Lankan, Vidyodaya Campus. On Nov. 23, 2019, he was awarded the prestigious honorary Doctorate of Literature (D.Litt) by the Chancellor of the University of Kelaniya, the Most Venerable Welamitiyawe Dharmakirthi Sri Kusala Dhamma Thera.
Fr. Aloy continues to be a promoter of Gospel values and virtues. Justice as a constitutive dimension of love and social concern for the downtrodden masses are very much noted in his life and work. He had very much appreciated the commitment of the late Fr. Joseph (Joe) Fernando, the National Director of the Social and Economic Centre (SEDEC) for the poor.
In Sri Lanka, a few religious Congregations – the Good Shepherd Sisters, the Christian Brothers, the Marist Brothers and the Oblates – have invited him to animate their members especially during their Provincial Congresses, Chapters and International Conferences. The mainline Christian Churches also have sought his advice and followed his seminars. I, for one, regret very much, that the Sri Lankan authorities of the Catholic Church –today’s Hierarchy—- have not sought Fr.
Aloy’s expertise for the renewal of the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka and thus have not benefited from the immense store of wisdom and insight that he can offer to our local Church while the Sri Lankan bishops who governed the Catholic church in the immediate aftermath of the Second Vatican Council (Edmund Fernando OMI, Anthony de Saram, Leo Nanayakkara OSB, Frank Marcus Fernando, Paul Perera,) visited him and consulted him on many matters. Among the Tamil Bishops, Bishop Rayappu Joseph was keeping close contact with him and Bishop J. Deogupillai hosted him and his team visiting him after the horrible Black July massacre of Tamils.
Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement
By Gomi Senadhira
senadhiragomi@gmail.com
“You might tell fairy tales, but the progress of a country cannot be achieved through such narratives. A country cannot be developed by making false promises. The country moved backward because of the electoral promises made by political parties throughout time. We have witnessed that the ultimate result of this is the country becoming bankrupt. Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet.” – President Ranil Wickremesinghe, 2024 Budget speech
Any Sri Lankan would agree with the above words of President Wickremesinghe on the false promises our politicians and officials make and the fairy tales they narrate which bankrupted this country. So, to understand this, let’s look at one such fairy tale with lots of false promises; Ranil Wickremesinghe’s greatest achievement in the area of international trade and investment promotion during the Yahapalana period, Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement (SLSFTA).
It is appropriate and timely to do it now as Finance Minister Wickremesinghe has just presented to parliament a bill on the National Policy on Economic Transformation which includes the establishment of an Office for International Trade and the Sri Lanka Institute of Economics and International Trade.
Was SLSFTA a “Cleverly negotiated Free Trade Agreement” as stated by the (former) Minister of Development Strategies and International Trade Malik Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate on the SLSFTA in July 2018, or a colossal blunder covered up with lies, false promises, and fairy tales? After SLSFTA was signed there were a number of fairy tales published on this agreement by the Ministry of Development Strategies and International, Institute of Policy Studies, and others.
However, for this article, I would like to limit my comments to the speech by Minister Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate, and the two most important areas in the agreement which were covered up with lies, fairy tales, and false promises, namely: revenue loss for Sri Lanka and Investment from Singapore. On the other important area, “Waste products dumping” I do not want to comment here as I have written extensively on the issue.
1. The revenue loss
During the Parliamentary Debate in July 2018, Minister Samarawickrama stated “…. let me reiterate that this FTA with Singapore has been very cleverly negotiated by us…. The liberalisation programme under this FTA has been carefully designed to have the least impact on domestic industry and revenue collection. We have included all revenue sensitive items in the negative list of items which will not be subject to removal of tariff. Therefore, 97.8% revenue from Customs duty is protected. Our tariff liberalisation will take place over a period of 12-15 years! In fact, the revenue earned through tariffs on goods imported from Singapore last year was Rs. 35 billion.
The revenue loss for over the next 15 years due to the FTA is only Rs. 733 million– which when annualised, on average, is just Rs. 51 million. That is just 0.14% per year! So anyone who claims the Singapore FTA causes revenue loss to the Government cannot do basic arithmetic! Mr. Speaker, in conclusion, I call on my fellow members of this House – don’t mislead the public with baseless criticism that is not grounded in facts. Don’t look at petty politics and use these issues for your own political survival.”
I was surprised to read the minister’s speech because an article published in January 2018 in “The Straits Times“, based on information released by the Singaporean Negotiators stated, “…. With the FTA, tariff savings for Singapore exports are estimated to hit $10 million annually“.
As the annual tariff savings (that is the revenue loss for Sri Lanka) calculated by the Singaporean Negotiators, Singaporean $ 10 million (Sri Lankan rupees 1,200 million in 2018) was way above the rupees’ 733 million revenue loss for 15 years estimated by the Sri Lankan negotiators, it was clear to any observer that one of the parties to the agreement had not done the basic arithmetic!
Six years later, according to a report published by “The Morning” newspaper, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) on 7th May 2024, Mr Samarawickrama’s chief trade negotiator K.J. Weerasinghehad had admitted “…. that forecasted revenue loss for the Government of Sri Lanka through the Singapore FTA is Rs. 450 million in 2023 and Rs. 1.3 billion in 2024.”
If these numbers are correct, as tariff liberalisation under the SLSFTA has just started, we will pass Rs 2 billion very soon. Then, the question is how Sri Lanka’s trade negotiators made such a colossal blunder. Didn’t they do their basic arithmetic? If they didn’t know how to do basic arithmetic they should have at least done their basic readings. For example, the headline of the article published in The Straits Times in January 2018 was “Singapore, Sri Lanka sign FTA, annual savings of $10m expected”.
Anyway, as Sri Lanka’s chief negotiator reiterated at the COPF meeting that “…. since 99% of the tariffs in Singapore have zero rates of duty, Sri Lanka has agreed on 80% tariff liberalisation over a period of 15 years while expecting Singapore investments to address the imbalance in trade,” let’s turn towards investment.
Investment from Singapore
In July 2018, speaking during the Parliamentary Debate on the FTA this is what Minister Malik Samarawickrama stated on investment from Singapore, “Already, thanks to this FTA, in just the past two-and-a-half months since the agreement came into effect we have received a proposal from Singapore for investment amounting to $ 14.8 billion in an oil refinery for export of petroleum products. In addition, we have proposals for a steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million), sugar refinery ($ 200 million). This adds up to more than $ 16.05 billion in the pipeline on these projects alone.
And all of these projects will create thousands of more jobs for our people. In principle approval has already been granted by the BOI and the investors are awaiting the release of land the environmental approvals to commence the project.
I request the Opposition and those with vested interests to change their narrow-minded thinking and join us to develop our country. We must always look at what is best for the whole community, not just the few who may oppose. We owe it to our people to courageously take decisions that will change their lives for the better.”
According to the media report I quoted earlier, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) Chief Negotiator Weerasinghe has admitted that Sri Lanka was not happy with overall Singapore investments that have come in the past few years in return for the trade liberalisation under the Singapore-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement. He has added that between 2021 and 2023 the total investment from Singapore had been around $162 million!
What happened to those projects worth $16 billion negotiated, thanks to the SLSFTA, in just the two-and-a-half months after the agreement came into effect and approved by the BOI? I do not know about the steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million) and sugar refinery ($ 200 million).
However, story of the multibillion-dollar investment in the Petroleum Refinery unfolded in a manner that would qualify it as the best fairy tale with false promises presented by our politicians and the officials, prior to 2019 elections.
Though many Sri Lankans got to know, through the media which repeatedly highlighted a plethora of issues surrounding the project and the questionable credentials of the Singaporean investor, the construction work on the Mirrijiwela Oil Refinery along with the cement factory began on the24th of March 2019 with a bang and Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and his ministers along with the foreign and local dignitaries laid the foundation stones.
That was few months before the 2019 Presidential elections. Inaugurating the construction work Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe said the projects will create thousands of job opportunities in the area and surrounding districts.
The oil refinery, which was to be built over 200 acres of land, with the capacity to refine 200,000 barrels of crude oil per day, was to generate US$7 billion of exports and create 1,500 direct and 3,000 indirect jobs. The construction of the refinery was to be completed in 44 months. Four years later, in August 2023 the Cabinet of Ministers approved the proposal presented by President Ranil Wickremesinghe to cancel the agreement with the investors of the refinery as the project has not been implemented! Can they explain to the country how much money was wasted to produce that fairy tale?
It is obvious that the President, ministers, and officials had made huge blunders and had deliberately misled the public and the parliament on the revenue loss and potential investment from SLSFTA with fairy tales and false promises.
As the president himself said, a country cannot be developed by making false promises or with fairy tales and these false promises and fairy tales had bankrupted the country. “Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet”.
(The writer, a specialist and an activist on trade and development issues . )
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