Editorial
The People vs. the Clan
The ongoing protests have now continued for several days with neither side relenting. In a non-violent war between the Regime and the People, the rulers have been yielding ground inch by grudging inch but there has been no concession from either side that can end the stalemate. The demand has now boiled down to the single proposition that the Rajapaksas must go lock, stock and barrel and stolen loot returned. It’s certainly been a fast breaking drama, commanding not only domestic but international attention with many startling developments by the day. Sadly none of these included receiving power, fuel, gas, milk powder or any other essential the people have had to do without. Cost of living? Forget it; it’s zooming like in a banana republic and the time is not far off when a wheelbarrow will be needed to carry cash to market.
First the cabinet excluding the prime minister resigned. But two first family siblings and Namal baby not there any longer. Then there were three or four ministerial re-appointments including Foreign Minister GL Peiris and Ministers Dinesh Gunawardene, Leader of the House and Chief Government Whip Johnston Fernando. They were essential for maintaining foreign relations and the conduct of parliamentary business. In what some might consider a major concession, former Justice Minister Ali Sabry was appointed Finance Minister in place of dual citizen Basil Rajapaksa who clings on to his U.S. citizenship. This self-same Basil, once touted to be a miracle man with seven brains, was brought into parliament via the controversial 20th Amendment which undid its predecessor and once again concentrated virtually all power in the president. Many of those howling against Basil and now claiming independence in parliament voted for that amendment. Perhaps his replacement was a concession of sorts to the wolves baying for his blood who were once on the government side of the legislature but now saying they’re independent.
Former Central Bank Ajith Nivard Cabraal has gone and been replaced by Nandalal Weerasinghe, retired Senior Deputy Governor recalled from Australia here he was visiting his daughters. Weerasinghe was denied the governor’s position some time ago, before Cabraal’s move from the National List State Ministry of Finance back to the Central Bank. The solid resistance to going to the IMF has now been abandoned and preliminary talks have begun. There’s going to be no quick fix but contacts have been established. A council of respected economists including former Governor Indrajith Coomaraswamy and two senior former IMF officials of Lankan descent have been enlisted to assist negotiations with their former employer. These developments, together with some rainfall in the hydro-electricity generating catchments are some rays of hope in an otherwise desperate scenario.
Thankfully there has been no violence and the regime, thus far, has refrained from attempting to forcefully eject protesters from their Galle Face battleground. The government seems to be hoping that sheer fatigue will let out pent-up steam and ease the protest momentum. Despite heavy rain and scorching heat protesters have remained entrenched with numbers replenished with new people joining the core from many parts of the country. Many celebrated the New Year on the green and there were television images of the symbolic pot of milk being boiled to overflowing at Galle Face. This is in addition to independent protests outside Colombo. There is a predominance of young people among the demonstrators, educated and middle class. The various commentators writing for this issue of our newspaper make the point of the unprecedented middle class presence, something unusual in this country where blue collars, with exceptions, dominate peeditha panthiya protests and demonstrations. But what we are seeing today is People vs Rajapaksas not underpinned by salary and similar economic demands other than those for bare essentials.
The Mirihana protests outside the president’s private home, where it all began, saw the mysterious appearance of an armed motorcycle squad sent away by police in the glare of television coverage of a protest outside parliament. There was also burning of law enforcement vehicles but why no arrests were made by police present in numbers has not yet been forthcoming. Allegations of an Avant Garde hand, rightly or wrongly, attempting to incite violence have been freely made. While police have released an artist’s sketch of a man wanted for torching a police bus there has been no explanation why the act itself was perpetrated in the presence of the police with none arrested. No military/STF presence except for VIP home security has been evident suggesting that there are no plans to unleash the dogs of war on unarmed protesters.
As regular columnist Rajan Philips says on this page impeaching the president is a long shot; too long we would add. The numbers do not even appear sufficient to get a simple majority needed for the no confidence motion against the government for which signatures are now being collected. Signatures for an impeachment motion against the president too, which needs a two thirds majority, are also being canvassed. There are fence sitters on both sides of the legislature and, as the JVP’s Vijitha Herath has said in an interview in this issue, there are purchasable elements in the body politic available to change sides not only for filthy lucre but also for political office. The number of ministers who have held office in UNP governments and then under the Rajapaksa dispensation cannot be counted on the fingers of both hands.
How events will pan out eventually remains to be seen. The old fox JRJ once said a particular election must be won hondin ho narakin – by good or bad. The Rajapaksas are confronted by a similar dilemma; they have to retain power hondin ho narakin.
Saturday 8th June, 2024
It was with shock and dismay that we received the news about death threats to COPF (Committee on Public Finance) Chairman Dr. Harsha de Silva over the ongoing parliamentary probe into the on-arrival visa scam. Dr. de Silva yesterday told Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, in Parliament, that he was facing death threats and intimidation, and it was incumbent upon Parliament to ensure his safety. He stopped short of naming names, but revealed that some ruling party MPs were among those who had ganged up against him. The Speaker only said there had been no complaint, and he would look into the matter.
The SLPP-UNP government has been doing everything in its power to have all parliamentary committees under its thumb. The COPE (Committee on Public Enterprises), which once helped restore public faith in the legislature by exposing state sector corruption, has now become a mere appendage of the incumbent regime, thanks to the appointment of SLPP MP Rohitha Abeygunawardena as its Chairman. The SLPP-UNP combine also tried to oust COPF Chairman Dr. de Silva, but in vain. However, it knows more than one way to shoe a horse.
The COPF, under Dr. de Silva’s chairmanship, has been a thorn in the side of the government, which is struggling to cover up numerous corrupt deals. Dr. de Silva yesterday told Parliament that he found it extremely difficult to function as the COPF head due to severe resource constraints his committee was facing; he himself had to pay the salaries of some of his staff members besides burning the midnight oil.
The sheer workload he had to cope with as the COPF chief had taken its toll on his health, he said, informing the Speaker that he was at the end of his tether, and at times thought of resigning from the COPF. This is exactly what the government wants him to do; resource squeezes and threats are aimed at making him quit.
On 26 May, Dr. de Silva revealed, in an ‘X’ post, that the COPF had uncovered some vital information about the visa scam and it would reveal everything after its final meeting on the issue; the COPF was committed to exposing the truth behind the controversial tender, he added. In an editorial comment on 27 May, we warned him.
While thanking him for his bold stand, we pointed out that by making such a statement, he had thrown caution to the wind, and become a marked target, with the government making an all-out effort to delay the COPF investigation lest the truth should come out much to the detriment of its interests in this election year. Unfortunately, what was feared has come about; Dr. de Silva is complaining of death threats and government moves to strangulate the COPF financially to derail its investigations.
Dr. de Silva’s predicament exemplifies the fate that befalls the few good men and women in Parliament. It is hoped that all those who seek an end to the state sector corruption will rally behind Dr. de Silva, and bring pressure to bear on the government to ensure his safety. Let Dr. de Silva be urged to reveal the names of those who have issued threats, veiled or otherwise, to him and are trying to scuttle the COPF probes.
Friday 7th June, 2024
The SLPP-UNP government is going hell for leather to make bad laws as if there were no tomorrow. It is abusing its parliamentary majority, which has been retained with the help of some crossovers, for that purpose. The Opposition, the media and trade unions are up in arms, and understandably so. The incumbent regime is a dead man walking; it is so desperate that it is capable of anything. Hence the need for it to be restrained.
The Electricity (Amendment) Bill (EAB) plunged Parliament into turmoil yesterday, but the government secured its passage. The Supreme Court (SC) determined the entire EAB inconsistent with the Constitution and recommended changes thereto. After unveiling the Bill, sometime ago, Minister of Power and Energy Kanchana Wijesekera hailed it as an excellent piece of legislation aimed at straightening up the power sector to serve the public interest better.
The SC determination left him with egg on his face. He reminded us of the proverbial curate who, while eating a stale egg, assured his host, a Bishop, that parts of it were excellent. Wijesekera’s egg, as it were, made Parliament stink yesterday, but he sought to please his masters by praising it as a silver bullet.
EAB should have been discarded and a new one drafted in consultation with all stakeholders. But the government is apparently driven by an ulterior motive; its aim is not to serve Sri Lanka’s interests but to look after those of some moneybags.
It is not uncommon for Bills to contain some flaws, which are rectified either before or during the committee stage. But there is something terribly wrong with draft Bills that are full of sections inconsistent with the Constitution. The drafters of EAB have demonstrated their sheer ignorance of the supreme law, and that they are not equal to the task of drafting Bills. If they had read the Constitution at least perfunctorily, they would not have drafted such a bad law.
Ignorant and incompetent, they do not deserve to be paid with public funds and must be sent back to law school. They must be summoned before Parliament and questioned on their serious lapses, which have caused public faith in the national legislature to diminish.
Curiously, the MPs who demand that judges, doctors, Central Bankers, and other public officials be summoned before Parliament have taken badly drafted Bills for granted. The power sector trade unions yesterday alleged that EAB was of Indian origin and geared towards furthering the interests of Adani Group at the expense of Sri Lanka.
Most critics of EAB are agreeable in principle to the need for power sector reforms; the Ceylon Electricity Board should be given a radical shake-up, and transformed into a modern organisation capable of providing a better service at a lower cost. They only asked the government to tread cautiously, consulting all stakeholders and taking action to ensure that the country’s interests prevailed over everything else. But the government was in a mighty hurry to steamroller the Bill through Parliament, making the Opposition ask whether it was doing so at the behest of some external forces involved in controversial power generation deals here.
What is passed by the current Parliament can be either amended or abolished by a future parliament in a constitutionally prescribed manner. But that does not mean that a government is free to pass bad laws, making the country enter into long-term agreements with powerful nations and their investors. It looks as if the SLPP-UNP regime did not care two hoots about the consequences of its actions.
Thursday 6th June, 2024
The outcome of India’s parliamentary election (2024) has led to a ‘perspective ambiguity’. Prime Minister Narendra Modi lost no time in declaring victory for the BJP-led NDA alliance, which secured 293 seats in the 543-member Parliament, but he must be a worried man. The BJP is short of 32 seats to form a government under its own steam; it has lost 63 seats or about 20% of its parliamentary strength. It had 303 seats in the previous Parliament, and that number has dropped to 240.
Modi has become the second Indian Prime Minister to win a third term. The first PM to do so was Jawaharlal Nehru. But Nehru won an outright majority in Parliament in 1962; Modi has had to depend on smaller parties in his alliance to retain his hold on power. Modi must be reeling from a sharp drop in his victory margin in his own constituency, Varanasi; it has decreased to 152,000 from 480,000 in 2019 whereas Modi’s bete noire, Rahul Gandhi, won Raebareli by a staggering 390,000 votes.
Modi, who reigned supreme with 303 seats in the previous Parliament, is now dependent on parties such as Nitish Kumar’s JD-U and Chandrababu Naidu’s TDP to form a government. He has had to lead an alliance of strange bedfellows. Both Kumar and Naidu were bitter critics of Modi. Kumar helped form the oppositional alliance, the INDIA bloc, before switching his allegiance to PM Modi. Naidu also closed ranks with the BJP in the run-up to the election. These politicians have been described as extremely ambitious and highly unpredictable, and whether Modi will be able to manage them and consolidate his grip on the NDA alliance remains to be seen. They will demand plum ministerial posts in return for their support. The TDP is said to be eyeing Transport and Health portfolios! That is the name of the game in coalition politics, where it is not uncommon for the tail to wag the dog, so to speak. These two political leaders are however not the only problem Modi will have to contend with. The next five years will feel like an eternity for PM Modi.
Nothing would have been more shocking for the BJP than its defeat in Uttar Pradesh’s Faizabad constituency, where the Ram Mandir has been built. Modi may have thought he would be able to win the Lok Sabha election hands down after the consecration of that temple, which became a centrepiece of the BJP’s election campaign. The BJP lost that seat to the Samajwadi Party! Modi must be disappointed that the Ram Mandir hype failed to trigger a massive wave of support for his party. This particular defeat signifies a massive setback for the BJP’s ethno-religious agenda.
Modi’s divisive election campaign failed to yield the desired result. The BJP’s failure to secure an outright majority could be attributed to a host of factors, some of them being the suppression of the Opposition, the arrogance of power, chronic unemployment, and the rising cost of living. The BJP also did not care to reimage itself in a positive light to attract the youth.
Modi will hereafter see the Congress-led INDIA bloc with 223 seats, in his rearview mirror. The Congress (99 seats) and its allies have eaten into the BJP support base considerably, but they have a long way to go before being able to capture power.
The bumpy ride ahead for the BJP-led coalition government to be formed may improve the INDIA bloc’s chances of bettering their electoral performance and turning the tables on the BJP and its allies in time to come. Modi will have a lot to worry about in his third term.
US sports envoys to Lanka to champion youth development
Rahuman questions sudden cancellation of leave of CEB employees
