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Opinion

Opposition’s take on economic crisis and Surcharge Tax Bill

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Speech made by Oppisition leader Sajith Premadasa in Parliament on 08 Feb 2022.

Hon. Deputy Speaker, 

It is an inescapable fact that the Sri Lankan economy is in a deep recession and it is the ordinary people of our country who have to bear the brunt of this economic collapse. The government has always blamed the Covid-19 pandemic as the primary driver of this recession.

Institutions responsible for macroeconomic management are long-established and have the necessary authority to intervene in the event of externalities that may risk our nation’s financial stability.

However, the Sri Lankan economy and its people have been disproportionately affected by the pandemic, especially when compared to peer group nations and I submit to you that this is a direct result of the failure of those in charge of key institutions, specifically, consecutive Ministers of Finance, the Monetary Board and the Central Bank as well as its Governor.

Accordingly, considering that this as an issue of urgent national importance, I expect specific answers and explanations from the Government to the following questions.

Headline inflation, as measured by Colombo Consumer Price Index increased to 14.2% in January 2022 from 3% in January 2021.  Food inflation increased to 25% from 6.8%.

Under Section 64 (2) of the Monetary Law Act No. 58 of 1949 if the amount of the money supply has changed by more than 15 per centum (15%), or the cost of living index has changed by more than 10 per centum (10%), of its level at the end of the corresponding month in the preceding year the Monetary Board should submit to the Minister in charge of the subject of Finance and, if not prejudicial to the public interest, make public, a detailed report which includes an analysis of:

* the causes of the anticipated economic disturbances, or of the actual abnormal movements of the money supply or the price level;

* the probable effects of such disturbances or movements on the level of production, employment, and real income in Sri Lanka; and

* the measures which have been already taken, and the further monetary, fiscal, or administrative measures recommended to be adopted by the Government.

If so,

1.

Has the Monetary Board submitted this report to the Finance Minister? If not, has the Finance Minister asked for this report under Section 64(2)?  If he has asked for such a report, will steps be taken to table it in Parliament?

2.

If the Monetary Board has submitted a report, what measures has the Monetary Board taken to address the increase in money supply and prices?  

3.

What measures have they recommended to the government to address this situation? 

4.

What were the main reasons for the rapid increase in inflation? And particularly the increase in food inflation?

5.

How has the increase in reserve money by 37.5% and the quantitative increase in Central Bank of Sri Lanka’s holdings of Treasury Bills contributed to the rise in prices?

Hon. Chairman, Gross official reserves had fallen to US $ 1.6 billion at the end of November 2021 from US $ 5.7 billion at the end of 2020 and US $ 7.7 billion at the end of 2019. The decline signifies a reduction from 4.2 months of import cover to one month within a year.

Under Section 68 (1) of the Monetary Law Act No. 58 of 1949, whenever the Monetary Board anticipates that there may develop a deficit in the international balance of payments of such magnitude as to cause a serious decline in the International Reserve, or whenever there is an imminent threat of a serious decline in the International Reserve, or a potential threat to such stability or are prejudicial to the national welfare, it is the duty of the Board to prepare policies to keep such conditions under control and submit to the Minister in charge of the subject of Finance a detailed report to adopt appropriate remedial measures. That report should contain,

*the nature, causes, and magnitude of the actual or potential threat to the international stability of the Sri Lanka rupee; and

*the measures which the board has already taken, and the further monetary, fiscal or administrative measures which it recommends for adoption by the Government. If so,

1.

Has the Monetary Board submitted this report to the Finance Minister? If not, has the Finance Minister asked for this report under Section 68(1)? If such a report has been asked for, will steps be taken to table it in Parliament?

2.

If the Monetary Board has submitted a report, what measures has the Monetary Board taken to address this decline in foreign reserves?  

3.

What measures have they recommended to government to address this situation? 

Mr. Chairman, I would like to offer a brief explanation. At this juncture, the Central Bank is officially stating that our reserves stand at $ 2.3 billion at the end of January, down from 3.1 in late December.

While this certainly signals a critical situation, it is made infinitely worse by the fact that this figure of 2.3 billion is misleading, since it also includes an amount of 10 billion Yuan, approx. $1.6 billion, that was received.

Therefore, the reality, Mr. Chairman, is that the foreign exchange reserves of our country at present is approximately US$ 700-800 million. The IMF has stated unequivocally that only assets usable as dollars should be included as reserves. Thus, the actual level of usable reserves – usable capital – within this 2.3 billion they speak of, is only US$ 700-800 million.

In fact, as of today, our reserves are limited to three weeks’ worth of imports. Never in our history have our reserves collapsed to such an extent. Therefore, I would especially like to ask the Minister why such lies are being presented to the country.

Hon. Speaker, the Rs/US $ exchange rate depreciated sharply from Rs.185 in September, 2020 to Rs. 200 by May, 2021. Since May 2021, the rate remained relatively stable until it hit Rs. 210 in September 2021. From September 2021, the Central Bank has “fixed” the rate at Rs. 203. However, the blackmarket price remains somewhere around Rs. 240.

Under Section 65 of the Monetary Law Act No. 58 of 1949, the Monetary Board should endeavour to maintain the par value of the Sri Lanka rupee, or where no determination of such par value has been made, maintain the exchange arrangements and so relate its exchange with other currencies as to assure its free use for current international transactions.

At present, migrants no longer transmit their earnings through the country’s official banks. Accordingly, official migration remittances began to decline from June 2021. This is a drop of more than US $ 1 billion compared to the previous year. Therefore, I would like to ask the following:

1.

Is the Finance Minister satisfied that the Monetary Board is not in violation of Section 65 of the Monetary Law Act? 

2.

If so, can the Finance Minister justify the decline in migrant remittances thus far in 2021? Will the Minister of Finance submit a report on the amount of remittances received by this country over the last several months?

3.

If not, has the Finance Minister asked for justification of the exchange arrangements?

Further, Mr. Chairman, I must bring your attention to the bill presented yesterday by this government, which introduces a surcharge tax which will target the working people of Sri Lanka, the backbone of our nation.

You are aware that the largest fund in our country is the Provident Fund, it has approx. Rs. 3 trillion. The profit of this Provident Fund for the year 2020 will be approximately Rs. 250 billion which, according to the provisions of this bill will levy a Rs. 65 bn tax on this profit, thereby siphoning off the working people’s hard-earned savings, only to redistribute said funds to their political patrons and minions.

I request the Minister of Finance, please do not implement this unscrupulous process. Do not steal the money of the hard-working people of Sri Lanka. Please withdraw this Bill / Gazette – with immediate effect. Please do not deprive the people of their hard-earned funds in the Provident Fund.

We know that today, the country is ruled by those who have tapped into provident funds in various ways throughout history. This is the true story. Therefore, I request the Minister of Finance to please answer my question at this juncture – we demand an answer today, the people of this country deserve an answer TODAY. Make that answer clear and unambiguous. I would like to take this opportunity to ask you to remove the provident funds as well as the pension funds from this 25% tax which is a tax on the working people of our nation.

Hon. Chairman, I draw your respectful attention to the comments made by the Minister stating that the rising rate of inflation in the country is merely gossip! This is not gossip, these are facts, these are official figures. How can the Minister refer to these as gossip?

Are the increases in the cost of living and the increases in the price of goods simply rumours? Is the fact that we only possess three weeks’ worth of foreign exchange reserves a rumour as well?

Hon. Chairman, when we ask such an important question related to the remittances of our working people who go abroad and shed blood, sweat and tears, is it acceptable there is no Minister of Finance, and no State Minister of Finance in the House to respond?

Let me try to explain to you in English. At least you can listen. Hon. Chairman – I am trying to explain to you in English. There is a convention when the Opposition Leader is on his feet – on his or her feet – there is a convention, there is a custom that you are allowed to speak and your microphone is not abruptly switched off. Why are you all engaging in such unparliamentary practices? What is this nonsense? Are you unable, from that so-called august chair, to control the microphone? Why are you all abruptly switching the microphone off? As a tradition – there is a convention, there is a custom – that is practiced. Are you aware of Parliamentary practice?

Mr. Chairman, there is no problem if the Minister of Finance is too busy to answer an important question of this nature. Neither a State Minister nor a Deputy Minister is present to answer such a question and that in my view is not only a travesty in regard to Parliamentary tradition but it is also a grave injustice to the People of the Country. Please take necessary steps to include this in the Hansard.



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Opinion

Child food poverty: A prowling menace

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by Dr B.J.C.Perera 
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paed), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin),
FRCP(Lon), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL) 
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
Joint Editor, Sri Lanka Journal of Child Health

In an age of unprecedented global development, technological advancements, universal connectivity, and improvements in living standards in many areas of the world, it is a very dark irony that child food poverty remains a pressing issue. UNICEF defines child food poverty as children’s inability to access and consume a nutritious and diverse diet in early childhood. Despite the planet Earth’s undisputed capacity to produce enough food to nourish everyone, millions of children still go hungry each day. We desperately need to explore the multifaceted deleterious effects of child food poverty, on physical health, cognitive development, emotional well-being, and societal impacts and then try to formulate a road map to alleviate its deleterious effects.

Every day, right across the world, millions of parents and families are struggling to provide nutritious and diverse foods that young children desperately need to reach their full potential. Growing inequities, conflict, and climate crises, combined with rising food prices, the overabundance of unhealthy foods, harmful food marketing strategies and poor child-feeding practices, are condemning millions of children to child food poverty.

In a communique dated 06th June 2024, UNICEF reports that globally, 1 in 4 children; approximately 181 million under the age of five, live in severe child food poverty, defined as consuming at most, two of eight food groups in early childhood. These children are up to 50 per cent more likely to suffer from life-threatening malnutrition. Child Food Poverty: Nutrition Deprivation in Early Childhood – the third issue of UNICEF’s flagship Child Nutrition Report – highlights that millions of young children are unable to access and consume the nutritious and diverse diets that are essential for their growth and development in early childhood and beyond.

It is highlighted in the report that four out of five children experiencing severe child food poverty are fed only breastmilk or just some other milk and/or a starchy staple, such as maize, rice or wheat. Less than 10 per cent of these children are fed fruits and vegetables and less than 5 per cent are fed nutrient-dense foods such as eggs, fish, poultry, or meat. These are horrendous statistics that should pull at the heartstrings of the discerning populace of this world.

The report also identifies the drivers of child food poverty. Strikingly, though 46 per cent of all cases of severe child food poverty are among poor households where income poverty is likely to be a major driver, 54 per cent live in relatively wealthier households, among whom poor food environments and feeding practices are the main drivers of food poverty in early childhood.

One of the most immediate and visible effects of child food poverty is its detrimental impact on physical health. Malnutrition, which can result from both insufficient calorie intake and lack of essential nutrients, is a prevalent consequence. Chronic undernourishment during formative years leads to stunted growth, weakened immune systems, and increased susceptibility to infections and diseases. Children who do not receive adequate nutrition are more likely to suffer from conditions such as anaemia, rickets, and developmental delays.

Moreover, the lack of proper nutrition can have long-term health consequences. Malnourished children are at a higher risk of developing chronic illnesses such as heart disease, diabetes, and obesity later in life. The paradox of child food poverty is that it can lead to both undernutrition and overnutrition, with children in food-insecure households often consuming calorie-dense but nutrient-poor foods due to economic constraints. This dietary pattern increases the risk of obesity, creating a vicious cycle of poor health outcomes.

The impacts of child food poverty extend beyond physical health, severely affecting cognitive development and educational attainment. Adequate nutrition is crucial for brain development, particularly in the early years of life. Malnutrition can impair cognitive functions such as attention, memory, and problem-solving skills. Studies have consistently shown that malnourished children perform worse academically compared to their well-nourished peers. Inadequate nutrition during early childhood can lead to reduced school readiness and lower IQ scores. These children often struggle to concentrate in school, miss more days due to illness, and have lower overall academic performance. This educational disadvantage perpetuates the cycle of poverty, as lower educational attainment reduces future employment opportunities and earning potential.

The emotional and psychological effects of child food poverty are profound and are often overlooked. Food insecurity creates a constant state of stress and anxiety for both children and their families. The uncertainty of not knowing when or where the next meal will come from can lead to feelings of helplessness and despair. Children in food-insecure households are more likely to experience behavioural problems, including hyperactivity, aggression, and withdrawal. The stigma associated with poverty and hunger can further exacerbate these emotional challenges. Children who experience food poverty may feel shame and embarrassment, leading to social isolation and reduced self-esteem. This psychological toll can have lasting effects, contributing to mental health issues such as depression and anxiety in adolescence and adulthood.

Child food poverty also perpetuates cycles of poverty and inequality. Children who grow up in food-insecure households are more likely to remain in poverty as adults, continuing the intergenerational transmission of disadvantage. This cycle of poverty exacerbates social disparities, contributing to increased crime rates, reduced social cohesion, and greater reliance on social welfare programmes. The repercussions of child food poverty ripple through society, creating economic and social challenges that affect everyone. The healthcare costs associated with treating malnutrition-related illnesses and chronic diseases are substantial. Additionally, the educational deficits linked to child food poverty result in a less skilled workforce, which hampers economic growth and productivity.

Addressing child food poverty requires a multi-faceted approach that tackles both immediate needs and underlying causes. Policy interventions are crucial in ensuring that all children have access to adequate nutrition. This can include expanding social safety nets, such as food assistance programmes and school meal initiatives, as well as targeted manoeuvres to reach more vulnerable families. Ensuring that these programmes are adequately funded and effectively implemented is essential for their success.

In addition to direct food assistance, broader economic and social policies are needed to address the root causes of poverty. This includes efforts to increase household incomes through living wage policies, job training programs, and economic development initiatives. Supporting families with affordable childcare, healthcare, and housing can also alleviate some of the financial pressures that contribute to food insecurity.

Community-based initiatives play a vital role in combating child food poverty. Local food banks, community gardens, and nutrition education programmes can help provide immediate relief and promote long-term food security. Collaborative efforts between government, non-profits, and the private sector are necessary to create sustainable solutions.

Child food poverty is a profound and inescapable issue with far-reaching consequences. Its deleterious effects on physical health, cognitive development, emotional well-being, and societal stability underscore the urgent need for comprehensive action. As we strive for a more equitable and just world, addressing child food poverty must be a priority. By ensuring that all children have access to adequate nutrition, we can lay the foundation for a healthier, more prosperous future for individuals and society as a whole. The fight against child food poverty is not just a moral imperative but an investment in our collective future. Healthy, well-nourished children are more likely to grow into productive, contributing members of society. The benefits of addressing this issue extend beyond individual well-being, enhancing economic stability and social harmony. It is incumbent upon us all to recognize and act upon the understanding that every child deserves the right to adequate nutrition and the opportunity to thrive.

Despite all of these existent challenges, it is very definitely possible to end child food poverty. The world needs targeted interventions to transform food, health, and social protection systems, and also take steps to strengthen data systems to track progress in reducing child food poverty. All these manoeuvres must comprise a concerted effort towards making nutritious and diverse diets accessible and affordable to all. We need to call for child food poverty reduction to be recognized as a metric of success towards achieving global and national nutrition and development goals.

Material from UNICEF reports and AI assistance are acknowledged.

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Opinion

Do opinion polls matter?

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By Dr Upul Wijayawardhana

The colossal failure of not a single opinion poll predicting accurately the result of the Indian parliamentary election, the greatest exercise in democracy in the world, raises the question whether the importance of opinion polls is vastly exaggerated. During elections two types of opinion polls are conducted; one based on intentions to vote, published during or before the campaign, often being not very accurate as these are subject to many variables but exit polls, done after the voting where a sample tally of how the voters actually voted, are mostly accurate. However, of the 15 exit polls published soon after all the votes were cast in the massive Indian election, 13 vastly overpredicted the number of seats Modi’s BJP led coalition NDA would obtain, some giving a figure as high as 400, the number Modi claimed he is aiming for. The other two polls grossly underestimated predicting a hung parliament. The actual result is that NDA passed the threshold of 272 comfortably, there being no landslide. BJP by itself was not able to cross the threshold, a significant setback for an overconfident Mody! Whether this would result in less excesses on the part of Modi, like Muslim-bashing, remains to be seen. Anyway, the statement issued by BJP that they would be investigating the reasons for failure rather than blaming the process speaks very highly of the maturity of the democratic process in India.

I was intrigued by this failure of opinion polls as this differs dramatically from opinion polls in the UK. I never failed to watch ‘Election night specials’ on BBC; as the Big Ben strikes ‘ten’ (In the UK polls close at 10pm} the anchor comes out with “Exit polls predict that …” and the actual outcome is often almost as predicted. However, many a time opinion polls conducted during the campaign have got the predictions wrong. There are many explanations for this.

An opinion poll is defined as a research survey of public opinion from a particular sample, the origin of which can be traced back to the 1824 US presidential election, when two local newspapers in North Carolina and Delaware predicted the victory of Andrew Jackson but the sample was local. First national survey was done in 1916 by the magazine, Literary Digest, partly for circulation-raising, by mailing millions of postcards and counting the returns. Of course, this was not very scientific though it accurately predicted the election of Woodrow Wilson.

Since then, opinion polls have grown in extent and complexity with scientific methodology improving the outcome of predictions not only in elections but also in market research. As a result, some of these organisations have become big businesses. For instance, YouGov, an internet-based organisation co-founded by the Iraqi-born British politician Nadim Zahawi, based in London had a revenue of 258 million GBP in 2023.

In Sri Lanka, opinion polls seem to be conducted by only one organisation which, by itself, is a disadvantage, as pooled data from surveys conducted by many are more likely to reflect the true situation. Irrespective of the degree of accuracy, politicians seem to be dependent on the available data which lend explanations to the behaviour of some.

The Institute for Health Policy’s (IHP) Sri Lanka Opinion Tracker Survey has been tracking the voting intentions for the likely candidates for the Presidential election. At one stage the NPP/JVP leader AKD was getting a figure over 50%. This together with some degree of international acceptance made the JVP behave as if they are already in power, leading to some incidents where their true colour was showing.

The comments made by a prominent member of the JVP who claimed that the JVP killed only the riff-raff, raised many questions, in addition to being a total insult to many innocents killed by them including my uncle. Do they have the authority to do so? Do extra-judicial killings continue to be JVP policy? Do they consider anyone who disagrees with them riff-raff? Will they kill them simply because they do not comply like one of my admired teachers, Dr Gladys Jayawardena who was considered riff-raff because she, as the Chairman of the State Pharmaceutical Corporation, arranged to buy drugs cheaper from India? Is it not the height of hypocrisy that AKD is now boasting of his ties to India?

Another big-wig comes with the grand idea of devolving law and order to village level. As stated very strongly, in the editorial “Pledges and reality” (The Island, 20 May) is this what they intend to do: Have JVP kangaroo-courts!

Perhaps, as a result of these incidents AKD’s ratings has dropped to 39%, according to the IHP survey done in April, and Sajith Premadasa’s ratings have increased gradually to match that. Whilst they are level pegging Ranil is far behind at 13%. Is this the reason why Ranil is getting his acolytes to propagate the idea that the best for the country is to extend his tenure by a referendum? He forced the postponement of Local Governments elections by refusing to release funds but he cannot do so for the presidential election for constitutional reasons. He is now looking for loopholes. Has he considered the distinct possibility that the referendum to extend the life of the presidency and the parliament if lost, would double the expenditure?

Unfortunately, this has been an exercise in futility and it would not be surprising if the next survey shows Ranil’s chances dropping even further! Perhaps, the best option available to Ranil is to retire gracefully, taking credit for steadying the economy and saving the country from an anarchic invasion of the parliament, rather than to leave politics in disgrace by coming third in the presidential election. Unless, of course, he is convinced that opinion polls do not matter and what matters is the ballots in the box!

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Opinion

Thoughtfulness or mindfulness?

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By Prof. Kirthi Tennakone
ktenna@yahoo.co.uk

Thoughtfulness is the quality of being conscious of issues that arise and considering action while seeking explanations. It facilitates finding solutions to problems and judging experiences.

Almost all human accomplishments are consequences of thoughtfulness.

Can you perform day-to-day work efficiently and effectively without being thoughtful? Obviously, no. Are there any major advancements attained without thought and contemplation? Not a single example!

Science and technology, art, music and literary compositions and religion stand conspicuously as products of thought.

Thought could have sinister motives and the only way to eliminate them is through thought itself. Thought could distinguish right from wrong.

Empathy, love, amusement, and expression of sorrow are reflections of thought.

Thought relieves worries by understanding or taking decisive action.

Despite the universal virtue of thoughtfulness, some advocate an idea termed mindfulness, claiming the benefits of nurturing this quality to shape mental wellbeing. The concept is defined as focusing attention to the present moment without judgment. A way of forgetting the worries and calming the mind – a form of meditation. A definition coined in the West to decouple the concept from religion. The attitude could have a temporary advantage as a method of softening negative feelings such as sorrow and anger. However, no man or woman can afford to be non-judgmental all the time. It is incompatible with indispensable thoughtfulness! What is the advantage of diverting attention to one thing without discernment during a few tens of minute’s meditation? The instructors of mindfulness meditation tell you to focus attention on trivial things. Whereas in thoughtfulness, you concentrate the mind on challenging issues. Sometimes arriving at groundbreaking scientific discoveries, solution of mathematical problems or the creation of masterpieces in engineering, art, or literature.

The concept of meditation and mindfulness originated in ancient India around 1000 BCE. Vedic ascetics believed the practice would lead to supernatural powers enabling disclosure of the truth. Failing to meet the said aspiration, notwithstanding so many stories in scripture, is discernable. Otherwise, the world would have been awakened to advancement by ancient Indians before the Greeks. The latter culture emphasized thoughtfulness!

In India, Buddha was the first to deviate from the Vedic philosophy. His teachers, Alara Kalama and Uddaka Ramaputra, were adherents of meditation. Unconvinced of their approach, Buddha concluded a thoughtful analysis of the actualities of life should be the path to realisation. However, in an environment dominated by Vedic tradition, meditation residually persisted when Buddha’s teachings transformed into a religion.

In the early 1970s, a few in the West picked up meditation and mindfulness. We Easterners, who criticize Western ideas all the time, got exalted after seeing something Eastern accepted in the Western circles. Thereafter, Easterners took up the subject more seriously, in the spirit of its definition in the West.

Today, mindfulness has become a marketable commodity – a thriving business spreading worldwide, fueled largely by advertising. There are practice centres, lessons onsite and online, and apps for purchase. Articles written by gurus of the field appear on the web.

What attracts people to mindfulness programmes? Many assume them being stressed and depressed needs to improve their mental capacity. In most instances, these are minor complaints and for understandable reasons, they do not seek mainstream medical interventions but go for exaggeratedly advertised alternatives. Mainstream medical treatments are based on rigorous science and spell out both the pros and cons of the procedure, avoiding overstatement. Whereas the alternative sector makes unsubstantiated claims about the efficacy and effectiveness of the treatment.

Advocates of mindfulness claim the benefits of their prescriptions have been proven scientifically. There are reports (mostly in open-access journals which charge a fee for publication) indicating that authors have found positive aspects of mindfulness or identified reasons correlating the efficacy of such activities. However, they rarely meet standards normally required for unequivocal acceptance. The gold standard of scientific scrutiny is the statistically significant reproducibility of claims.

If a mindfulness guru claims his prescription of meditation cures hypertension, he must record the blood pressure of participants before and after completion of the activity and show the blood pressure of a large percentage has stably dropped and repeat the experiment with different clients. He must also conduct sessions where he adopts another prescription (a placebo) under the same conditions and compares the results. This is not enough, he must request someone else to conduct sessions following his prescription, to rule out the influence of the personality of the instructor.

The laity unaware of the above rigid requirements, accede to purported claims of mindfulness proponents.

A few years ago, an article published and widely cited stated that the practice of mindfulness increases the gray matter density of the brain. A more recent study found there is no such correlation. Popular expositions on the subject do not refer to the latter report. Most mindfulness research published seems to have been conducted intending to prove the benefits of the practice. The hard science demands doing the opposite as well-experiments carried out intending to disprove the claims. You need to be skeptical until things are firmly established.

Despite many efforts diverted to disprove Einstein’s General Theory of Relativity, no contradictions have been found in vain to date, strengthening the validity of the theory. Regarding mindfulness, as it stands, benefits can neither be proved nor disproved, to the gold standard of scientific scrutiny.

Some schools in foreign lands have accommodated mindfulness training programs hoping to develop the mental facility of students and Sri Lanka plans to follow. However, studies also reveal these exercises are ineffective or do more harm than good. Have we investigated this issue before imitation?

Should we force our children to focus attention on one single goal without judgment, even for a moment?

Why not allow young minds to roam wild in their deepest imagination and build castles in the air and encourage them to turn these fantasies into realities by nurturing their thoughtfulness?

Be more thoughtful than mindful?

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