Editorial
Call a truce
Monday 19th July, 2021
The incumbent government leaps before thinking, and suffers painful pratfalls. In its wisdom, it had some of those who protested against the Kotelawala Defence University (KDU) Bill, the other day, packed off to faraway quarantine centres. Thereafter, it got cold feet and had them released before the completion of the mandatory quarantine period, thus giving the lie to its own claim that the police had only enforced quarantine laws. Now, it is clear that the government either acted arbitrarily in having the protesters sent for quarantine, or had them released from quarantine centres prematurely for political reasons. Either way, it has done something illegal.
The warring teachers’ unions have not softened their stand despite the release of their leaders. They have not resumed online teaching. Students are like the proverbial grass that suffers when elephants fight. One can only hope that teachers will be considerate towards their pupils, and the government will desist from lighting the blue touch paper with trade unions. One may say with apologies to Gandhiji that the greatness of a nation and its moral progress can be judged by the way its children are treated. There have been several heart-rending reports about sickos preying on underage girls, during the past few weeks, and now the government and teachers are settling scores at the expense of schoolchildren.
Children are said to be the future of a nation. No wonder so many young Sri Lankans have reportedly applied for visas to migrate to the Global North. They must be fed up with living here. The day may not be far off when this country is left with only politicians’ progeny, who have all the luck.
The government is behaving like a drunkard who staggers out of his way to kick empty tin cans and thambili shells. It kicks up a shindy almost daily. It also has not got its priorities right. The KDU Bill is not a national priority. Everybody knew that an attempt to take it up would provoke protests amidst the pandemic, but the government chose to go ahead with it. The Delta variant of coronavirus is spreading rapidly, and protests will only facilitate its transmission. The government may have thought it would be able to use the health regulations to prevent protests against the Bill.
One of the main arguments against the KDU Bill is that the defence university will be independent of the University Grants Commission (UGC). President Gotabaya Rajapaksa is reported to have told the Buddhist Advisory Council recently that it will be brought within the purview of the UGC and some of the existing laws amended for that purpose. There is so much of resistance to the KDU Bill not because the defence university will not be under the UGC. Instead, the reason for protests is that the Bill seeks to enable the enrolment of local students for certain courses of study such as medicine on fee-levying basis, and the promotion of fee-paying universities will be inimical to free education. Any attempt to have such KDU degree programmes recognised by the UGC is bound to cause more trouble.
The government says there is a pressing need for setting up private universities in this country because a large number of Sri Lankan students go overseas for higher education and spend colossal amounts of foreign exchange. The opponents of this view insist that the establishment of private universities will be at the expense of free education. The arguments put forth by both sides sound tenable. The fact that successive governments have not done enough to develop the national universities has caused the assertion that free education has been left to wither on the vine to gain some credence. If the government wants to disprove the claim that it is planning to throttle free education, it must allocate more resources for the development of public schools and universities.
Meanwhile, the champions of free education must show their bona fides. If the protesting teachers have rendered so great a service to free education, as claimed by their trade unions, how come students are heavily dependent on shadow education or private tuition? Parents will vouch for the fact that although education at the state-run schools is free, they spend a lot of money on private tuition to prepare their children for the GCE O/L and A/L examinations. Students in other Grades also attend private tuition classes. Never do the best performers at competitive examinations thank their private tutors for their achievements, and this has enabled their schools to take all the credit. There are some good schools which provide a satisfactory education, but they are the exception that proves the rule. If the teachers really feel for free education, they must work in such a way that their students will have no need for private tuition. Will the teachers’ unions take up this challenge?
Both the government and protesters had better realise that they are endangering the lives of the public by locking horns while the Delta variant is spreading fast. Let them be urged to heed public health experts’ warnings and call a truce urgently. This is not the time for Parliament to take up any controversial Bills, or trade unions and political parties to take to the streets. The safety of the public must take precedence over everything else.
Saturday 8th June, 2024
It was with shock and dismay that we received the news about death threats to COPF (Committee on Public Finance) Chairman Dr. Harsha de Silva over the ongoing parliamentary probe into the on-arrival visa scam. Dr. de Silva yesterday told Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, in Parliament, that he was facing death threats and intimidation, and it was incumbent upon Parliament to ensure his safety. He stopped short of naming names, but revealed that some ruling party MPs were among those who had ganged up against him. The Speaker only said there had been no complaint, and he would look into the matter.
The SLPP-UNP government has been doing everything in its power to have all parliamentary committees under its thumb. The COPE (Committee on Public Enterprises), which once helped restore public faith in the legislature by exposing state sector corruption, has now become a mere appendage of the incumbent regime, thanks to the appointment of SLPP MP Rohitha Abeygunawardena as its Chairman. The SLPP-UNP combine also tried to oust COPF Chairman Dr. de Silva, but in vain. However, it knows more than one way to shoe a horse.
The COPF, under Dr. de Silva’s chairmanship, has been a thorn in the side of the government, which is struggling to cover up numerous corrupt deals. Dr. de Silva yesterday told Parliament that he found it extremely difficult to function as the COPF head due to severe resource constraints his committee was facing; he himself had to pay the salaries of some of his staff members besides burning the midnight oil.
The sheer workload he had to cope with as the COPF chief had taken its toll on his health, he said, informing the Speaker that he was at the end of his tether, and at times thought of resigning from the COPF. This is exactly what the government wants him to do; resource squeezes and threats are aimed at making him quit.
On 26 May, Dr. de Silva revealed, in an ‘X’ post, that the COPF had uncovered some vital information about the visa scam and it would reveal everything after its final meeting on the issue; the COPF was committed to exposing the truth behind the controversial tender, he added. In an editorial comment on 27 May, we warned him.
While thanking him for his bold stand, we pointed out that by making such a statement, he had thrown caution to the wind, and become a marked target, with the government making an all-out effort to delay the COPF investigation lest the truth should come out much to the detriment of its interests in this election year. Unfortunately, what was feared has come about; Dr. de Silva is complaining of death threats and government moves to strangulate the COPF financially to derail its investigations.
Dr. de Silva’s predicament exemplifies the fate that befalls the few good men and women in Parliament. It is hoped that all those who seek an end to the state sector corruption will rally behind Dr. de Silva, and bring pressure to bear on the government to ensure his safety. Let Dr. de Silva be urged to reveal the names of those who have issued threats, veiled or otherwise, to him and are trying to scuttle the COPF probes.
Friday 7th June, 2024
The SLPP-UNP government is going hell for leather to make bad laws as if there were no tomorrow. It is abusing its parliamentary majority, which has been retained with the help of some crossovers, for that purpose. The Opposition, the media and trade unions are up in arms, and understandably so. The incumbent regime is a dead man walking; it is so desperate that it is capable of anything. Hence the need for it to be restrained.
The Electricity (Amendment) Bill (EAB) plunged Parliament into turmoil yesterday, but the government secured its passage. The Supreme Court (SC) determined the entire EAB inconsistent with the Constitution and recommended changes thereto. After unveiling the Bill, sometime ago, Minister of Power and Energy Kanchana Wijesekera hailed it as an excellent piece of legislation aimed at straightening up the power sector to serve the public interest better.
The SC determination left him with egg on his face. He reminded us of the proverbial curate who, while eating a stale egg, assured his host, a Bishop, that parts of it were excellent. Wijesekera’s egg, as it were, made Parliament stink yesterday, but he sought to please his masters by praising it as a silver bullet.
EAB should have been discarded and a new one drafted in consultation with all stakeholders. But the government is apparently driven by an ulterior motive; its aim is not to serve Sri Lanka’s interests but to look after those of some moneybags.
It is not uncommon for Bills to contain some flaws, which are rectified either before or during the committee stage. But there is something terribly wrong with draft Bills that are full of sections inconsistent with the Constitution. The drafters of EAB have demonstrated their sheer ignorance of the supreme law, and that they are not equal to the task of drafting Bills. If they had read the Constitution at least perfunctorily, they would not have drafted such a bad law.
Ignorant and incompetent, they do not deserve to be paid with public funds and must be sent back to law school. They must be summoned before Parliament and questioned on their serious lapses, which have caused public faith in the national legislature to diminish.
Curiously, the MPs who demand that judges, doctors, Central Bankers, and other public officials be summoned before Parliament have taken badly drafted Bills for granted. The power sector trade unions yesterday alleged that EAB was of Indian origin and geared towards furthering the interests of Adani Group at the expense of Sri Lanka.
Most critics of EAB are agreeable in principle to the need for power sector reforms; the Ceylon Electricity Board should be given a radical shake-up, and transformed into a modern organisation capable of providing a better service at a lower cost. They only asked the government to tread cautiously, consulting all stakeholders and taking action to ensure that the country’s interests prevailed over everything else. But the government was in a mighty hurry to steamroller the Bill through Parliament, making the Opposition ask whether it was doing so at the behest of some external forces involved in controversial power generation deals here.
What is passed by the current Parliament can be either amended or abolished by a future parliament in a constitutionally prescribed manner. But that does not mean that a government is free to pass bad laws, making the country enter into long-term agreements with powerful nations and their investors. It looks as if the SLPP-UNP regime did not care two hoots about the consequences of its actions.
Thursday 6th June, 2024
The outcome of India’s parliamentary election (2024) has led to a ‘perspective ambiguity’. Prime Minister Narendra Modi lost no time in declaring victory for the BJP-led NDA alliance, which secured 293 seats in the 543-member Parliament, but he must be a worried man. The BJP is short of 32 seats to form a government under its own steam; it has lost 63 seats or about 20% of its parliamentary strength. It had 303 seats in the previous Parliament, and that number has dropped to 240.
Modi has become the second Indian Prime Minister to win a third term. The first PM to do so was Jawaharlal Nehru. But Nehru won an outright majority in Parliament in 1962; Modi has had to depend on smaller parties in his alliance to retain his hold on power. Modi must be reeling from a sharp drop in his victory margin in his own constituency, Varanasi; it has decreased to 152,000 from 480,000 in 2019 whereas Modi’s bete noire, Rahul Gandhi, won Raebareli by a staggering 390,000 votes.
Modi, who reigned supreme with 303 seats in the previous Parliament, is now dependent on parties such as Nitish Kumar’s JD-U and Chandrababu Naidu’s TDP to form a government. He has had to lead an alliance of strange bedfellows. Both Kumar and Naidu were bitter critics of Modi. Kumar helped form the oppositional alliance, the INDIA bloc, before switching his allegiance to PM Modi. Naidu also closed ranks with the BJP in the run-up to the election. These politicians have been described as extremely ambitious and highly unpredictable, and whether Modi will be able to manage them and consolidate his grip on the NDA alliance remains to be seen. They will demand plum ministerial posts in return for their support. The TDP is said to be eyeing Transport and Health portfolios! That is the name of the game in coalition politics, where it is not uncommon for the tail to wag the dog, so to speak. These two political leaders are however not the only problem Modi will have to contend with. The next five years will feel like an eternity for PM Modi.
Nothing would have been more shocking for the BJP than its defeat in Uttar Pradesh’s Faizabad constituency, where the Ram Mandir has been built. Modi may have thought he would be able to win the Lok Sabha election hands down after the consecration of that temple, which became a centrepiece of the BJP’s election campaign. The BJP lost that seat to the Samajwadi Party! Modi must be disappointed that the Ram Mandir hype failed to trigger a massive wave of support for his party. This particular defeat signifies a massive setback for the BJP’s ethno-religious agenda.
Modi’s divisive election campaign failed to yield the desired result. The BJP’s failure to secure an outright majority could be attributed to a host of factors, some of them being the suppression of the Opposition, the arrogance of power, chronic unemployment, and the rising cost of living. The BJP also did not care to reimage itself in a positive light to attract the youth.
Modi will hereafter see the Congress-led INDIA bloc with 223 seats, in his rearview mirror. The Congress (99 seats) and its allies have eaten into the BJP support base considerably, but they have a long way to go before being able to capture power.
The bumpy ride ahead for the BJP-led coalition government to be formed may improve the INDIA bloc’s chances of bettering their electoral performance and turning the tables on the BJP and its allies in time to come. Modi will have a lot to worry about in his third term.
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