Connect with us

Features

Emerging Separation: JVP boasts new popularity, Ranil flaunts IMF facility

Published

on

By Rajan Philips

There is a new dichotomy in the Sri Lankan political formation. The JVP appears to be outrunning others in the political race by quite a stretch. At the same time, Ranil Wickremesinghe is consolidating his position as the country’s only competent economic manager. His clever-by-half political forays have backfired spectacularly. Every one of them. Yet, he has established himself as a veritable one-man show, and not without some justification he is flaunting the IMF deal as his unique gift to the nation, which no other Sri Lankan could have delivered. So, we have Ranil Wickremesinghe at one end, standing tall and lonely on Sri Lanka’s economic dung hill.

At the other end is the JVP, or its large tent outfit, the NPP, and rising apparently inexorably in political popularity. There is no electoral test to confirm this, but there is more than plausible evidence from the public opinion polling conducted by the Institute of Health Policy, the Sri Lankan strand of a global network which seems to be politically nondescript but statistically rigorous. The paradox at this end, however, is that the JVP does not seem too willing to engage vigorously with the IMF-economic cudgel that President Wickremesinghe is furiously wielding. Therein is the unprecedented dichotomy, between economic stewardship and political aspirations. Few seem to be taking note of this dichotomy, and even those who are railing against the IMF deal seem reluctant to acknowledge the JVP’s rising popularity.

The JVP’s Rise

Based on a General Election Voting Intention Survey it conducted in February 2023, the Institute of Health Policy (IHP) has indicated that nationally the support for NPP/JVP has surged in the last few months to 43% from 30%, 13% over the SJB which seems to have stagnated at 30%. The SLPP and the UNP are way behind at 4%, while the SLFP is even further down at 2%. The IHP summary also indicates that if not for a gap in voter enthusiasm among potential JVP voters, the lead would be 15% (44% to 29%), both leads well over the margin of error of 2-5%. In a first-past-the-post parliamentary election, such a lead could translate to a landslide victory.

A slightly different picture emerges from the provincial breakdown of the voting intentions. The JVP leads in four provinces – the Western Province, the Southern Province, Northwestern Province and the North Central Province. In the former two, the JVP’s lead is not clearcut, registering 36% in the Western Province to the SJB’s 31% and the UNP’s 10%, and 31% in the Southern Province to the SJB’s 22% and the SLPP’s 14%%. In the Northwestern and North Central provinces, the JVP is clearly ahead with 41% and 49%, respectively, to the SJB’s 23% and 14%.

The SJB has a clear lead in the Central and the Eastern provinces, registering 39% and 28%, respectively, to the JVP’s 22% and 21%. The UNP fares somewhat respectably in both provinces with 11% and 9% support. In the Sabaragamuwa and Uva provinces, the SJB (at 28%) has a slight edge over the JVP (at 27% and 25%), with the SLPP registering 16% in Sabaragamuwa, and both the UNP and the SLPP at 12% in Uva. The Northern Province stands alone as always, the ITAK leading with 41%, followed by the SJB (26%), the JVP (10%), and the UNP (8%). The ITAK registers only 12% in the Eastern Province, which arguably undercuts its insistence on a merger of the Northern and Eastern provinces.

The political landscape is changing quite rapidly and significantly with the JVP and the SJB emerging as the clear front runners, relegating the UNP and the SLPP to alternate between distant third and fourth places. The SLFP seems to be all toast now, except its lone elected MP from Jaffna is able to win again. Although off the radar at the national level, the Muslim and Upcountry Tamil minority parties will come into reckoning in a general election. Unfortunately, the survey includes no breakdown by administrative districts which would have shown the locational presence of the minority parties. Notably, the margin of error is higher in the four outer provinces – Eastern (6-11%), Northern (8-19%), North Central (4-10%) and Uva (5-10%) provinces.

It is now a certainty that there will be no local government elections on April 25. So, there is no early opportunity for testing the IHP’s survey results and the JVP’s projected strength. Unless President Wickremesinghe chooses to be nice and not a New Year scrooge, there may not be any election in the foreseeable future. But there will be periodical surveys and enough grist of numbers for the political mills to grind. And the JVP will likely keep rising in popularity at the expense of others.

The SJB seems to have lost the plot and there is no clear way for it to get competitive with the JVP on its own steam. An unlikely route for the SJB to shore up its fortunes would be to bring about a merger with the UNP. If the two were join forces and with reinforcements from the Muslim and Upcountry Tamil parties, the SJB and the UNP could potentially outperform the JVP by some margin in five provinces (Western, Southern, Central, Eastern and Uva), and be competitive with the ITAK in the north. As I noted, such a route is unlikely because of the presidential fly in the political ointment.

Populism and Chauvinism

But these calculations and possibilities should not detract from the impressive strides that the JVP seems to have made over the last few months. As I noted, I have seen little commentary from the mainstream commentators or editorialists on what is now a JVP phenomenon, but there have been interventions from the Left. Writing compellingly, Ramindu Perera of the Open University of Sri Lanka, calls the NPP (JVP) factor the “rise of Left-wing populism in Sri Lanka.” He identifies two elements in the NPP’s populist narrative; one, “the left-leaning character of the socio-economic policies the NPP pursues,” and two, the NPP’s commitment “to strive for ‘national unity’ based on equality among national communities.”

On the latter commitment, Ramindu Perera makes a disarmingly candid admission that one hardly, rather ever, would hear from political commentators in the south especially with regard to Sri Lanka’s so called national parties, the now moribund UNP and the SLFP. Perera acknowledges that “the NPP is a predominantly Sinhala formation. Claiming otherwise would be an exaggeration. Reaching out to minority communities is a challenge the NPP would face in the future. To that extent, they might have to reflect on their strategies, and think about new ways of establishing links with minorities.” Well said; and nothing more needs to be said at this time. And failure to follow these precepts will in no time turn what begins as left-wing populism into a reconditioned vehicle for crass chauvinism.

In a friendly rejoinder to Ramindu Perera, Dayan Jayatilaka would seem to emphasize the “structural absence” in the JVP-NPP (and formerly the JVP, as well as the LTTE) of what he calls “a structural feature of Left Populism,” namely, eschewing the monopoly of a single political party and striving for the broad unity of left-leaning political factions and currents. The unity that is being emphasized is not mere electoral unity, or united front. But in the context of Sri Lanka, and more so now than ever before, the unity of political forces cannot avoid, and must necessarily emphasize electoral unity.

Ironically, however, there are not too many parties and organizations left in today’s Sri Lanka for forging principled alliances or coalitions. For the JVP-NPP, buoyed by polling numbers, there is little or no incentive to join with anybody for electoral or other purposes. At the same time, the JVP and the NPP cannot ignore the criticisms that they are essentially Tweedledum and Tweedledee in Sri Lankan politics, and must genuinely try to broaden their unity and their platform to be palpably more inclusive.

Operationally for contesting elections, this would mean expanding the candidate pool to manifest both socioeconomic inclusion and professional competence. The local elections, if and when they come, could be a trial run in candidate selection for the general election. All of this is water yet to flow under the bridge. What is flowing or trickling now is the extended facility from the IMF. Where does the JVP-NPP stand on the question of the IMF? How will it handle the political games of President Wickremesinghe who is still trying garner political mileage out of economic management?

The IMF Bogey

Given the level of popularity that the President and the SLPP-UNP government are at, it is difficult to see any political gains accruing to them from the IMF agreement by itself, or in combination with small but quick improvements in the economy. The risk for the country is whether by continuing his penchant for political machinations and game-playing, President Wickremesinghe will undermine his own efforts to revive the economy. It is a paradox that the President enjoys not inconsiderable national goodwill and support for his efforts to revive the economy, but has no backing or constituency for his political undertakings. The paradox has become sustainable because of the presidential system, but it can be broken easily if the President overplays his hand for political advantages.

In one step forward, the President is reported to have rebuffed the unseemly efforts of DIG Deshabandu Tennakoon and his sponsors to have him appointed as the successor to the current IGP Chandana Wickramaratna. Then, last Wednesday, taking many back steps backward, the President issued an Extraordinary Gazette Order for the Armed Forces to maintain public order throughout the country. This is certainly an overkill and is clearly intended to put down emerging protests without giving them time to dig in. This move is not going to please anyone in parliament other than Rajapaksas and their SLPP cohorts. The President has also said that he intends to get the approval of parliament for the IMF Agreement even though there is no formal need for it. But after his Emergency Gazette, he is not likely to get the support of Opposition MPs for the IMF deal. So, it will pass only with the support of the Rajapaksa-SLPP contingent. That is hardly the picture of unity that the President always insists that he wants to paint for the country.

And those who oppose the IMF Agreement, whether in parliament or out on the streets, have a responsibility to let the people know what their ultimate objective is – to thwart its implementation under President Wickremesinghe, or to tear it up after he is gone. If that is so, what alternative will they offer, and how soon they will be able implement it without disrupting the country to be even worse than it is now. And they will likely face the mirror-image of the Presidential paradox. That is the detractors of the President may have public support behind them when they confront him over his political machinations, but the people may not go the full distance with them against the President’s management of the economy. The JVP, in particular, faces a special challenge and even a dilemma in dealing with the IMF Agreement, given its newly elevated position of popularity among intending voters.



Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Features

The heart-friendly health minister

Published

on

Dr. Ramesh Pathirana

by Dr Gotabhya Ranasinghe
Senior Consultant Cardiologist
National Hospital Sri Lanka

When we sought a meeting with Hon Dr. Ramesh Pathirana, Minister of Health, he graciously cleared his busy schedule to accommodate us. Renowned for his attentive listening and deep understanding, Minister Pathirana is dedicated to advancing the health sector. His openness and transparency exemplify the qualities of an exemplary politician and minister.

Dr. Palitha Mahipala, the current Health Secretary, demonstrates both commendable enthusiasm and unwavering support. This combination of attributes makes him a highly compatible colleague for the esteemed Minister of Health.

Our discussion centered on a project that has been in the works for the past 30 years, one that no other minister had managed to advance.

Minister Pathirana, however, recognized the project’s significance and its potential to revolutionize care for heart patients.

The project involves the construction of a state-of-the-art facility at the premises of the National Hospital Colombo. The project’s location within the premises of the National Hospital underscores its importance and relevance to the healthcare infrastructure of the nation.

This facility will include a cardiology building and a tertiary care center, equipped with the latest technology to handle and treat all types of heart-related conditions and surgeries.

Securing funding was a major milestone for this initiative. Minister Pathirana successfully obtained approval for a $40 billion loan from the Asian Development Bank. With the funding in place, the foundation stone is scheduled to be laid in September this year, and construction will begin in January 2025.

This project guarantees a consistent and uninterrupted supply of stents and related medications for heart patients. As a result, patients will have timely access to essential medical supplies during their treatment and recovery. By securing these critical resources, the project aims to enhance patient outcomes, minimize treatment delays, and maintain the highest standards of cardiac care.

Upon its fruition, this monumental building will serve as a beacon of hope and healing, symbolizing the unwavering dedication to improving patient outcomes and fostering a healthier society.We anticipate a future marked by significant progress and positive outcomes in Sri Lanka’s cardiovascular treatment landscape within the foreseeable timeframe.

Continue Reading

Features

A LOVING TRIBUTE TO JESUIT FR. ALOYSIUS PIERIS ON HIS 90th BIRTHDAY

Published

on

Fr. Aloysius Pieris, SJ was awarded the prestigious honorary Doctorate of Literature (D.Litt) by the Chancellor of the University of Kelaniya, the Most Venerable Welamitiyawe Dharmakirthi Sri Kusala Dhamma Thera on Nov. 23, 2019.

by Fr. Emmanuel Fernando, OMI

Jesuit Fr. Aloysius Pieris (affectionately called Fr. Aloy) celebrated his 90th birthday on April 9, 2024 and I, as the editor of our Oblate Journal, THE MISSIONARY OBLATE had gone to press by that time. Immediately I decided to publish an article, appreciating the untiring selfless services he continues to offer for inter-Faith dialogue, the renewal of the Catholic Church, his concern for the poor and the suffering Sri Lankan masses and to me, the present writer.

It was in 1988, when I was appointed Director of the Oblate Scholastics at Ampitiya by the then Oblate Provincial Fr. Anselm Silva, that I came to know Fr. Aloy more closely. Knowing well his expertise in matters spiritual, theological, Indological and pastoral, and with the collaborative spirit of my companion-formators, our Oblate Scholastics were sent to Tulana, the Research and Encounter Centre, Kelaniya, of which he is the Founder-Director, for ‘exposure-programmes’ on matters spiritual, biblical, theological and pastoral. Some of these dimensions according to my view and that of my companion-formators, were not available at the National Seminary, Ampitiya.

Ever since that time, our Oblate formators/ accompaniers at the Oblate Scholasticate, Ampitiya , have continued to send our Oblate Scholastics to Tulana Centre for deepening their insights and convictions regarding matters needed to serve the people in today’s context. Fr. Aloy also had tried very enthusiastically with the Oblate team headed by Frs. Oswald Firth and Clement Waidyasekara to begin a Theologate, directed by the Religious Congregations in Sri Lanka, for the contextual formation/ accompaniment of their members. It should very well be a desired goal of the Leaders / Provincials of the Religious Congregations.

Besides being a formator/accompanier at the Oblate Scholasticate, I was entrusted also with the task of editing and publishing our Oblate journal, ‘The Missionary Oblate’. To maintain the quality of the journal I continue to depend on Fr. Aloy for his thought-provoking and stimulating articles on Biblical Spirituality, Biblical Theology and Ecclesiology. I am very grateful to him for his generous assistance. Of late, his writings on renewal of the Church, initiated by Pope St. John XX111 and continued by Pope Francis through the Synodal path, published in our Oblate journal, enable our readers to focus their attention also on the needed renewal in the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka. Fr. Aloy appreciated very much the Synodal path adopted by the Jesuit Pope Francis for the renewal of the Church, rooted very much on prayerful discernment. In my Religious and presbyteral life, Fr.Aloy continues to be my spiritual animator / guide and ongoing formator / acccompanier.

Fr. Aloysius Pieris, BA Hons (Lond), LPh (SHC, India), STL (PFT, Naples), PhD (SLU/VC), ThD (Tilburg), D.Ltt (KU), has been one of the eminent Asian theologians well recognized internationally and one who has lectured and held visiting chairs in many universities both in the West and in the East. Many members of Religious Congregations from Asian countries have benefited from his lectures and guidance in the East Asian Pastoral Institute (EAPI) in Manila, Philippines. He had been a Theologian consulted by the Federation of Asian Bishops’ Conferences for many years. During his professorship at the Gregorian University in Rome, he was called to be a member of a special group of advisers on other religions consulted by Pope Paul VI.

Fr. Aloy is the author of more than 30 books and well over 500 Research Papers. Some of his books and articles have been translated and published in several countries. Among those books, one can find the following: 1) The Genesis of an Asian Theology of Liberation (An Autobiographical Excursus on the Art of Theologising in Asia, 2) An Asian Theology of Liberation, 3) Providential Timeliness of Vatican 11 (a long-overdue halt to a scandalous millennium, 4) Give Vatican 11 a chance, 5) Leadership in the Church, 6) Relishing our faith in working for justice (Themes for study and discussion), 7) A Message meant mainly, not exclusively for Jesuits (Background information necessary for helping Francis renew the Church), 8) Lent in Lanka (Reflections and Resolutions, 9) Love meets wisdom (A Christian Experience of Buddhism, 10) Fire and Water 11) God’s Reign for God’s poor, 12) Our Unhiddden Agenda (How we Jesuits work, pray and form our men). He is also the Editor of two journals, Vagdevi, Journal of Religious Reflection and Dialogue, New Series.

Fr. Aloy has a BA in Pali and Sanskrit from the University of London and a Ph.D in Buddhist Philosophy from the University of Sri Lankan, Vidyodaya Campus. On Nov. 23, 2019, he was awarded the prestigious honorary Doctorate of Literature (D.Litt) by the Chancellor of the University of Kelaniya, the Most Venerable Welamitiyawe Dharmakirthi Sri Kusala Dhamma Thera.

Fr. Aloy continues to be a promoter of Gospel values and virtues. Justice as a constitutive dimension of love and social concern for the downtrodden masses are very much noted in his life and work. He had very much appreciated the commitment of the late Fr. Joseph (Joe) Fernando, the National Director of the Social and Economic Centre (SEDEC) for the poor.

In Sri Lanka, a few religious Congregations – the Good Shepherd Sisters, the Christian Brothers, the Marist Brothers and the Oblates – have invited him to animate their members especially during their Provincial Congresses, Chapters and International Conferences. The mainline Christian Churches also have sought his advice and followed his seminars. I, for one, regret very much, that the Sri Lankan authorities of the Catholic Church –today’s Hierarchy—- have not sought Fr.

Aloy’s expertise for the renewal of the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka and thus have not benefited from the immense store of wisdom and insight that he can offer to our local Church while the Sri Lankan bishops who governed the Catholic church in the immediate aftermath of the Second Vatican Council (Edmund Fernando OMI, Anthony de Saram, Leo Nanayakkara OSB, Frank Marcus Fernando, Paul Perera,) visited him and consulted him on many matters. Among the Tamil Bishops, Bishop Rayappu Joseph was keeping close contact with him and Bishop J. Deogupillai hosted him and his team visiting him after the horrible Black July massacre of Tamils.

Continue Reading

Features

A fairy tale, success or debacle

Published

on

Ministers S. Iswaran and Malik Samarawickrama signing the joint statement to launch FTA negotiations. (Picture courtesy IPS)

Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement

By Gomi Senadhira
senadhiragomi@gmail.com

“You might tell fairy tales, but the progress of a country cannot be achieved through such narratives. A country cannot be developed by making false promises. The country moved backward because of the electoral promises made by political parties throughout time. We have witnessed that the ultimate result of this is the country becoming bankrupt. Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet.” – President Ranil Wickremesinghe, 2024 Budget speech

Any Sri Lankan would agree with the above words of President Wickremesinghe on the false promises our politicians and officials make and the fairy tales they narrate which bankrupted this country. So, to understand this, let’s look at one such fairy tale with lots of false promises; Ranil Wickremesinghe’s greatest achievement in the area of international trade and investment promotion during the Yahapalana period, Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement (SLSFTA).

It is appropriate and timely to do it now as Finance Minister Wickremesinghe has just presented to parliament a bill on the National Policy on Economic Transformation which includes the establishment of an Office for International Trade and the Sri Lanka Institute of Economics and International Trade.

Was SLSFTA a “Cleverly negotiated Free Trade Agreement” as stated by the (former) Minister of Development Strategies and International Trade Malik Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate on the SLSFTA in July 2018, or a colossal blunder covered up with lies, false promises, and fairy tales? After SLSFTA was signed there were a number of fairy tales published on this agreement by the Ministry of Development Strategies and International, Institute of Policy Studies, and others.

However, for this article, I would like to limit my comments to the speech by Minister Samarawickrama during the Parliamentary Debate, and the two most important areas in the agreement which were covered up with lies, fairy tales, and false promises, namely: revenue loss for Sri Lanka and Investment from Singapore. On the other important area, “Waste products dumping” I do not want to comment here as I have written extensively on the issue.

1. The revenue loss

During the Parliamentary Debate in July 2018, Minister Samarawickrama stated “…. let me reiterate that this FTA with Singapore has been very cleverly negotiated by us…. The liberalisation programme under this FTA has been carefully designed to have the least impact on domestic industry and revenue collection. We have included all revenue sensitive items in the negative list of items which will not be subject to removal of tariff. Therefore, 97.8% revenue from Customs duty is protected. Our tariff liberalisation will take place over a period of 12-15 years! In fact, the revenue earned through tariffs on goods imported from Singapore last year was Rs. 35 billion.

The revenue loss for over the next 15 years due to the FTA is only Rs. 733 million– which when annualised, on average, is just Rs. 51 million. That is just 0.14% per year! So anyone who claims the Singapore FTA causes revenue loss to the Government cannot do basic arithmetic! Mr. Speaker, in conclusion, I call on my fellow members of this House – don’t mislead the public with baseless criticism that is not grounded in facts. Don’t look at petty politics and use these issues for your own political survival.”

I was surprised to read the minister’s speech because an article published in January 2018 in “The Straits Times“, based on information released by the Singaporean Negotiators stated, “…. With the FTA, tariff savings for Singapore exports are estimated to hit $10 million annually“.

As the annual tariff savings (that is the revenue loss for Sri Lanka) calculated by the Singaporean Negotiators, Singaporean $ 10 million (Sri Lankan rupees 1,200 million in 2018) was way above the rupees’ 733 million revenue loss for 15 years estimated by the Sri Lankan negotiators, it was clear to any observer that one of the parties to the agreement had not done the basic arithmetic!

Six years later, according to a report published by “The Morning” newspaper, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) on 7th May 2024, Mr Samarawickrama’s chief trade negotiator K.J. Weerasinghehad had admitted “…. that forecasted revenue loss for the Government of Sri Lanka through the Singapore FTA is Rs. 450 million in 2023 and Rs. 1.3 billion in 2024.”

If these numbers are correct, as tariff liberalisation under the SLSFTA has just started, we will pass Rs 2 billion very soon. Then, the question is how Sri Lanka’s trade negotiators made such a colossal blunder. Didn’t they do their basic arithmetic? If they didn’t know how to do basic arithmetic they should have at least done their basic readings. For example, the headline of the article published in The Straits Times in January 2018 was “Singapore, Sri Lanka sign FTA, annual savings of $10m expected”.

Anyway, as Sri Lanka’s chief negotiator reiterated at the COPF meeting that “…. since 99% of the tariffs in Singapore have zero rates of duty, Sri Lanka has agreed on 80% tariff liberalisation over a period of 15 years while expecting Singapore investments to address the imbalance in trade,” let’s turn towards investment.

Investment from Singapore

In July 2018, speaking during the Parliamentary Debate on the FTA this is what Minister Malik Samarawickrama stated on investment from Singapore, “Already, thanks to this FTA, in just the past two-and-a-half months since the agreement came into effect we have received a proposal from Singapore for investment amounting to $ 14.8 billion in an oil refinery for export of petroleum products. In addition, we have proposals for a steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million), sugar refinery ($ 200 million). This adds up to more than $ 16.05 billion in the pipeline on these projects alone.

And all of these projects will create thousands of more jobs for our people. In principle approval has already been granted by the BOI and the investors are awaiting the release of land the environmental approvals to commence the project.

I request the Opposition and those with vested interests to change their narrow-minded thinking and join us to develop our country. We must always look at what is best for the whole community, not just the few who may oppose. We owe it to our people to courageously take decisions that will change their lives for the better.”

According to the media report I quoted earlier, speaking at the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) Chief Negotiator Weerasinghe has admitted that Sri Lanka was not happy with overall Singapore investments that have come in the past few years in return for the trade liberalisation under the Singapore-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement. He has added that between 2021 and 2023 the total investment from Singapore had been around $162 million!

What happened to those projects worth $16 billion negotiated, thanks to the SLSFTA, in just the two-and-a-half months after the agreement came into effect and approved by the BOI? I do not know about the steel manufacturing plant for exports ($ 1 billion investment), flour milling plant ($ 50 million) and sugar refinery ($ 200 million).

However, story of the multibillion-dollar investment in the Petroleum Refinery unfolded in a manner that would qualify it as the best fairy tale with false promises presented by our politicians and the officials, prior to 2019 elections.

Though many Sri Lankans got to know, through the media which repeatedly highlighted a plethora of issues surrounding the project and the questionable credentials of the Singaporean investor, the construction work on the Mirrijiwela Oil Refinery along with the cement factory began on the24th of March 2019 with a bang and Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and his ministers along with the foreign and local dignitaries laid the foundation stones.

That was few months before the 2019 Presidential elections. Inaugurating the construction work Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe said the projects will create thousands of job opportunities in the area and surrounding districts.

The oil refinery, which was to be built over 200 acres of land, with the capacity to refine 200,000 barrels of crude oil per day, was to generate US$7 billion of exports and create 1,500 direct and 3,000 indirect jobs. The construction of the refinery was to be completed in 44 months. Four years later, in August 2023 the Cabinet of Ministers approved the proposal presented by President Ranil Wickremesinghe to cancel the agreement with the investors of the refinery as the project has not been implemented! Can they explain to the country how much money was wasted to produce that fairy tale?

It is obvious that the President, ministers, and officials had made huge blunders and had deliberately misled the public and the parliament on the revenue loss and potential investment from SLSFTA with fairy tales and false promises.

As the president himself said, a country cannot be developed by making false promises or with fairy tales and these false promises and fairy tales had bankrupted the country. “Unfortunately, many segments of the population have not come to realize this yet”.

(The writer, a specialist and an activist on trade and development issues . )

Continue Reading

Trending